FALSE PACIFISM.

Sun (Christchurch), Volume II, Issue 566, 2 December 1915, Page 6

FALSE PACIFISM.

THE ANTI-MILITARISTS.

CONGRESS TO DISCUSS CONSCRIPTION. From a Special Correspondent. WELLINGTON, December 1. G. K. Chesterton hits off the antimilitarist: — "The two matters most immediately before us to-day are the possibility of conscription and a.peace too like a compromise. For the sane and human handling of both it is necessary to see that pacifism, in theory as meek as sheep, is in practice as dead as mutton. People talk : about the police, abolishing it; but it is abolished. When the war struck it, it dissolved into dust. Sinc.e then even pacifists could not be content with lying low and being pacifists. They have risen at least I to be pro-Germans." j On the whole, Chesterton's sumj mary can be well read in New Zeailand to-day. There is some talk of calling a "Monster Labour Congress" for the purpose of discussing conscription. On the face of it, it is clear that no one is wanted at this congress unless he is' in sympathy with the policy of the promoters. An attempt has recently been made by the Wellington Trades Council to get an expression of opinion from the workers on the question of conscription. As usual, the percentage of quiet thinking people who believe that the war must be won at all cost refrain from taking active part. On the other hand the anti-militarist now rises grandly with an air of "I told you so." So far as it is possible to get a concrete expression no worker wants conscription as the settled policy of the hation, but most of the workers wimt to see Britain win the war and are prepared to accept conscription temporarily, in order to win the war, rather than that conscription should be forced upon us at the point of the German bayonet. Many are* beginning to feel that possibly Germany's price for peace if she were successful would be tlie Australasian colonies. If such a disaster befell us conscription would be our lot, without our being asked to express an opinion of it. In the Empire City. | The Empire City elements who make up the anti-militarist minority are f a queer combination. We have a large population of new clium Englishmen, most of them imbued with a smattering of Marxian Socialism. On the waterfront may be found a mixture of half the nations of Europe, mostly of those nations that are German or pro-German. At the present time there are some 2000 odd Hebrews in New Zealand, of this number considerably over 700, or more than one-third of the total, are located in Wellington. The Jews itiere are divided 'into two classes, the wealthy and comparatively wealthy commercial class, whose nurnj)ers, arp easily counted, and the "old clothes class" composed of Russians, Germans, Rumanians, and Londoners. The wealthy Jews arc pronouncedly patriotic. They rtiay be found in the front row of the dress circle on all patriotic occasions. but the otjier class is almost invariably pro-German. The Jewish hatred of Russia is at the back of this feeling. Apparently, for the satisfaction of seeing Russia defeated by Germany, the British Empire may be allowed to go to the bottom of the sea. Any noisy demagogue, who calls a Sunday meeting for the purpose of discussing conscription or peace may rely on a substantial mixed audience of sympathisers. Testing Democracy. But where it is possible to get the opinion of the law-abiding working man, while he hates the thought of -having to adopt German methods to defeat Germany, he seems inclined to go these lengths rather than submit to the prospect of German domination. Curiously enough, those who are ranting about the Democracy fail "to realise that the contest is now developing into-ii fight to test the efficiency of democracy as a ruling force. On the German side we have an instance of the efficiency of a one man Government—an autocracy not equalled since the days of Napoleon. On;, the other hand we liave Britain and France both claiming to be governed by the voice of the people. Now, success or failure on our side has been followed by a tendency to n'liniriiise the democralic control and to reach nearer to the standard of one man Government. When the war broke out the French Parliament was hopelessly involved in a wrangle on the question of military training. But both in France and England all parties were forced to unite for the common good. Since then even these combinations have had to be reduced in size until at the present time five men in England have control of all the military affairs of the nation. Without doubt if either France or England decided that Kitchener or Joffre should be given absolute authority, such as is now held by the Kaiser, the nation would endorse the decision. If this attitude of the public mind indicates anything, it is that the rank and file make it impossible for their representatives to rise to the occasion, or that they are so hampered by the little people around them that they are unable to give the best service when that service is most needed. JOHN PLOWMAN.