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THE FIRST STEP TO IMPERIAL CONFEDERATION.

In a remarkable address to the servative Association in 1872, in \*

he passod in review the prospects of tl c Conservative party, Mr. Lisraoli lain great stress on the efforts which ho attributed to the Liberals to break up tho Empire, " If you look," he said," to tho history of this country sineo the advent of liberalism forty years ago, you will find that there has been no effort so continuous, so subtle, supported with so much energy, and carried on with so muoh ability and acumen, as the attempts of Liberalism ts etl'eot the disintegration of the Empire." "Well," he went on to say, " what has been the result of this attempt ( It has entirely failed. But how has it failed ? By the sympathy of the colonies with the mother country. They have decided that the Empire shall not be dctroyed, and in my opinion no Minister in this country will do his duty who neglects an opportunity of reconstructing as much as possible our Colonial Empire, and of responding to those distant sympathies which may become tho source of incalculable strength and happiness to this laud." Since Lord Beaconstiald his succeeded to power, both ho and his colleagues have often, in varying phrases, reiterated those words. If their speeches were searched, numberless passages would bo found to the effect that it was a paramount duty of English statesmen to consolidate tuo strength and unity of tho Empire. If it bo asked, Ilavo they done anything to give efftot to theso viows f tho answer cannot bo altogether in Urn negative. The smith who- btt !«&Ud

bis metal ready for forging, has progreased with hiß work, though he has not as yet given to the material its ultimate shape. Even so have Lord Beaconsfield and his colleagues progressed with their labours. Ihoy have not yet given any shape to consolidation, but indubitably they have brought the nation as a whole to a condition in which there is every disposition on all parts cordially to consider the question of the best means to strengthen the bonds which unite together the various fragments of the Empire, The change in public opinion, and, indeed, in the opinion of prominent statesmen on this subject since ]«7O, is one of the most remarkable s'gns of the times. The old. lines of the Empire have been revived with irresistible nam Ouce more England stands forth as tho great Power not to be deterred by money considerations from assorting her influence abroad, not to lie frightened by possible pecuniary liabilities from valuing and desiring to continue to hold her possessions all over the world. Few men are brave enough to even urgo the Dutch policy of l«70, for that policy was neither more or less than one which aimed at making England a second Holland. Mr. Lowe has questioned tho value of India and the Colonies in a magazine paper but he has hardly ventured so far in the House. Outside a vague though strong feeling has sprung up in favour of something being done to make more intimate the relation of the Empire. Tho Colonial Institute, of which the Prince of Wales has lately become President, has steadily urged the necessity of consolidation, though without making it clear what shape it considered consolidation should take. The logic of circumstances, to>, is fighting in the

direction of closer union. Disguise it as one may, there is a vast amount of distress in" the country, largely arising from excessive population, and the Colonies are every day more eagerly regarded as the natural outlet. As foreign enterprises have fallen into disfavour, the ■Colonies have been looked to as legitimate fields for investing English capital, under the sanction of English laws, and , mitey have lately passed j ■ ~.• sull continuing to pass to C010..i.;i ..i.;i fields of enterprise. Actual experience in New Zealand ha-s shown how rapidly large results may be brought about by the combination of capable lands, population, and capital. The iron is ready to be shaped, but -what shape is it to take i Whilst the subject was far off, men talked of consolidation, now that it is near to them, they liave some difficulty in deciding what •consolidation should be. To admit that this is most difficult to decide, is by no means to underrate the importance of ■deciding it. Indeed the most urgent are frequently the most difficult subjects to deal with. Some, of these difficulties lie on the surface, ami can readily be pointed to. There is first the fact that the British Empire is held together in a manner so varied, so complicated, so little understood, that every fragment of the vast ■whole requires separate study. To begin with, there is Ireland, which holds a position somewhat midway between that •which Hungry occupies to Austria and which Poland occupies to Russia. Tliero is India, partly conquered, partly annexed, governed in the most hybird fashion, and destitute of even a suspicion of representative institutions. There are Crown Colonies and Crown Colonies, almost every one with a distinctive feature. Exactly the same may be said of the Constitutional Colonies, whilst the latest acquisitions —Fiji, Transvaal, and Cyprus—stand on conspicuously separate pedestals. We have engaged, under certain conditions, to preserve and uphold the integrity of the Turkish Asiatic dominions. Will anyone say we have a notion of the exact footing on winch tho integrity of our own dominions rests ? Before the present Government took office it was declared that every Constitutional Colony was free to set up on it is own account. It is to be doubted if Lord Beaconsh'cld quite accepts this doctrino. Tho Prime Minister lias, indeed, more than once expressed the opinion that tho loss of the American Colonics was Datamations to the English nation, and Lord Carnarvon has said almost the same thing. At any rate Lord Beaconslield wouldliardly be the Prime Minister to advise the Sovereign to relinquish the territory and part with «übjeots, But tho complication of existing relations is only one difficulty—there are others no less formidable. No plan would be satisfactory that weakened the foreign power of the mother country, and that impaired the freedom of her local institutions and selffunctions. Equally no plan wouid be satisfactory that fetters their self-governing powers. On the other hand all would welcome changes which made their union moro intimate, that united thorn firmly for defensive purposes, that assisted to promote their mutual trade and to develop their productive powers. The first great step in the direction so much desired is to obtain information, and no plan of doing this can be so valuable or comprehensive as that which could bo eUected by a Royal Commisaion. A. Royal Commission to conaider and report upon tho relation of all parts of the Empire, would perform an incalculably useful work. From a merely historical point of view, as a landmark of the presont condition of the British dominions, itn labours would be invaluable. Close at home the Homeßulors «f Ireland deserve some little concession, and a commission to whose work it would be incidental to report upon tin; • "icioncy of the present system of administration in Ireland would bo accepted

as a powerful boon. No one doubt: that the Indian system requires investigation. L.t us suppose, as a l>are possible result, the abolishment of tho wholo Indian 1 >epartment as a separate arm of state, aud its incoporatiou into the Colonial Department. How vastly such a change would operate I The money-saving is as nothing compared with the impulse which would be given to representative institutions and to self-government on the snot consequent on the contact into which India would hu biought with the dominant nations which affect the ruling of the Colonies, It is said the Colonial and Indian Departments were never better ruled than when during Lord Salisbury's absence in Constantinople they were hj the bands of Lord Carnarvon. The I 011stitutional Colonies could nol I=i 11 to I enetit by the inquiry. It probably w uld be found that consolidation c uli .. i

take the shape of a gradual apploiuh to nearer tics. But ropresentnti u, common

defence, improvement of cc. lereial relations, might be immediate results. The Commission should include, besides the main body, representative members in every dependency. In conclusion, let us ask the Government this—They have over and over again pronouneed in favour of doing something in the way of consolidating tho Empire. More than once they have found that any Government failing to do so would be unworthy. Do they attach any moaning to their own utterances, and, if so, can they adopt a better first step than that we have suggested ?—Home News.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/STSSG18790208.2.12

Bibliographic details

Samoa Times and South Sea Gazette, Volume 2, Issue 71, 8 February 1879, Page 2

Word Count
1,453

THE FIRST STEP TO IMPERIAL CONFEDERATION. Samoa Times and South Sea Gazette, Volume 2, Issue 71, 8 February 1879, Page 2

THE FIRST STEP TO IMPERIAL CONFEDERATION. Samoa Times and South Sea Gazette, Volume 2, Issue 71, 8 February 1879, Page 2