COMMUNIST AND ANTI-FASCIST ACTIVITIES AND A PAMPHLET THAT DEMANDS ATTENTION.
To the Editor. Sir, —At his meeting on Sunday evening the much-publicized Mr Gerald Griffin devoted almost the whole of his time to regaling the audience with a detailed story of the ridiculous, and —one would almost suspect, insincere —efforts that were made to prevent his attending an anti-war movement in Australia. Mr Griffin, who strikes one as being quite a cultured and inoffensive young man, was undoubtedly subjected to unreasonable and unjust treatment as the result of certain instructions which were issued from some high but undisclosed authority. Now one may only guess at the source and intention of these instructions from a high authority, but it would not have been difficult to anticipate the result: the'ultimate triumph of the victim who thus receives almost world-wide publicity and is afterwards able to tour the country in a heroic role; while the officials, who were obliged to carry out orders from the higher-up and undisclosed authority, are made to appear inhuman and ridiculous tyrants. This latter aspect is greatly developed by Mr Griffin in the course of his story. He elaborately paints the two customs officials whom he encountered in Sydney as aggressive tyrants and makes great capital out of the foreignsounding name of one of these. (Incidentally an even more foreign-sound-ing name enjoyed by the Sydney solicitor who saved him from these alleged tyrants did not appear to worry him). Surely it would be obvious to anyone that these officials, and similarly the police to whom reference is also made, would not be .acting on their own initiative, but merely carrying out orders. So far as the language test is concerned, this is merely a long-estab-lished formality, which apparently is considered a polite method of intimating that the person concerned is not wanted in the country. Now if the high-placed authority or authorities responsible for all this had desired to further the world-wide movement which aims at overthrowing the present social system and instituting what is Commonly referred to as “Communism,” he or /they could not have made a more useful contribution to the cause. If the authority responsible were aware of this the public may begin to realize the real forces that are working for social disintegration; if unaware of it, the people should understand the danger of having the country in the hands of men whose stupidity outweighs whatever sincerity and good intentions they may possess.
There obviously never were any legitimate reasons for the orders to prevent Mr Griffin landing in Australia (which orders had to be obeyed by the officials who are now made the butt at Mr Griffin’s meetings). Why then is there such silence from. the responsible source, while Mr Griffin tours the country working up a fine frenzy on the part of a section of the community against what they are encouraged to believe to be the innate tyranny and injustice of the social system? Is not such a situation outrageous injustice to the customs and police departments? This Griffin-Kisch fiasco, which has given such excellent publicity and which encourages a certain amount of blind sympathy to the Communist movement, is merely in keeping with the present official attitude towards this movement. It is, I understand, declared illegal to sell Communist literature or advance Communism in New Zealand, and once in a while • some harmless individual is prosecuted for such an offence, yet all the while Communist literature has flooded into the country and is openly sold in every town and city. In Auckland at least Communist enthusiasts have permanent street news-stands where placards advertising their wares are a conspicuous feature. And why not? If they are merely advocating a particular form of government which they believe will best serve the community generally, and. which they would obtain peacefully by free and secret ballot, then why make any pretence of banning them ? Since Communism is presumedly believed by the impoverished section of its supporters to have only humane motives, and to offer a means for achieving the greatest measure of social justice, could the act of making it an illegal movement and forcing it underground have any other effect than to attract to it a considerable amount of blind sympathy? Under our present system, popularly described as “democratic,” we are supposed to be free to adopt the wishes of the majority. Then why not allow th> people to hear the alleged virtues and attractions of Communism and decide for themselves whether or not they desire it in this country. The fact that I personally believe Communism to be nothing more than a vague and impracticable ideal in search of a means, .and one which is liable to land the people into a greater tyranny than anything they ever visualized, is beside the point. I am prepared to show why I hold this view and to advance what I believe to be logical reasoning in support of my contentions, but I do not agree with the principle of legally preventing (or, rather pretending to prevent) those who disagree with my views, from expressing their own views. If their views or mine, thus publicly aired, were along the lines of advocating unlawful violence, then we can surely rely on our proper authorities to take necessary remedial measures.
The preserit position, and particularly the Griffin-Kisch affair, places Mr Griffin and the movement with which he is associated, in the position of being able, merely by recounting his harrowing experiences with “authority,” and practically without the necessity of enunciating any special policy, to attract a certain amount of sympathetic support from unthinking but well-meaning people. Who would contend that this is not of the greatest assistance to their movement: and who would say such a result could not have been anticipated toy someone in a high position able to sso a lltiio farther than
[ a well-meaning Minister for Justice? Now I, like perhaps many others who took the trouble to attend Mr Griffins meeting in the hope of hearing some useful contribution towards instrumenting the world-wide desire to avoid another war, failed to find anything constructive in his address. I was rather amused by his declaration that his mission to Australia was for the purpose of “exposing the danger of war.” The obvious inference from this and from his story of the efforts to prevent his landing in Australia was that the Australian “authorities —• apparently in common with those of every country except certain ones to be decided upon by Mr Griffin; and his movement —were determined to have their war and would therefore go to any length to prevent his “exposures. One could not help wondering how Mr Griffin would have filled in his time when addressing a meeting without the excellent material furnished by the “warlike authorities,” with their farce of trying to keep him out. Apparently Mr Kisch, who was similarly enabled to make a dramatic entrance to Australia, accompanied Mr Griffin in addressing many teeming thousands of Australasians. Presumably Mr Kisch told them of his harrowing experiences. He also, we are told, valiantly delivered his great messages from .the headquarters of this anti-war and anti-Fascist movement in Paris, in spite of the machinations and devilry of the ferocious and warlike Australian authorities. Here is the historic message:—“l have been sent by the world committee in Paris 'against War and Fascism to the Anti-Fascist Australian Congresses. I greet you friends and comrades, in the name of the European anti-Fascists, and specially in the name of our director, Henri Barbusse.” Then there is another one from “the German Workers.” as follows:—“The German workers, who are waging a heroic and determined fight against Hitler, Fascism, will hear with joy and encouragement that on the other side of the world, the Australian working class follow their fight with enthusiastic solidarity, and support it with all their power.” Mr Griffin also mentioned that, at the special request of Mr Kisch, he gave to that gentleman, to take back with him, a message from New Zealand. Mr Griffin, who is a stickler for details, naively said that he wrote the message on some of the ship’s notepaper on the spot, but unfortunately he did not tell us what it was. Possibly he neglected to keep a copy, in which case, presumably, we shall have to wait until it is broadcast by Mr Kisch before we can learn, the import of our own fraternal and inspiring greetings and sentiments. There appears to be some more of Mr Kisch’s message, however. A pamphlet which is sold at Mr Griffin’s meetings sets out what are stated to be Mr Kisch’s personal experiences, in Germany. He states “I never disguise the fact that my sympathies belong to the struggling working class. It was for that reason that, on the night on which the Nazi leaders burned the Reichstag, I was arrested in my house.” Amongst the horrors which Mr Kisch then claims to have witnessed in gaol, he specially refers to “the famous poet Milsam, who was forced to lick the spittle of his torturers, who, in slow stages broke every bone in his body and finally stabbed him to death.” Now, personally, I do not believe that story. I base my non-belief on my knowledge of the German people. In the last war we found them a courageous and chivalrous people fighting for their Fatherland and we fought for ours. To suggest that such a nation would officially carry out such cowardly and bestial actions as described, is, in my opinion, an affront to one s intelligence.
How the action of distributing such literature in this country—as is apparently being done in many other countries —will assist the cause of peace one cannot understand. I suggest that this obscene pamphlet should immediately be brought to the notice of the German Consul so that the German nation should have an opportunity of knowing the filthy and degrading charges which are being made against them, and offering a reply if they have one. To allow it to circulate here without taking this action would be criminal and contemptible. I do not pretend to be able to say that it is untrue, but I personally feel that it is merely lying political propaganda of which similar previous examples are not lacking, and if so there could be no greater factor towards war than to allow such loathsome literature to be circulated without question. Its authenticity must be tested. Let me make it plain that I personally neither attempt to condemn nor approve the form of government at present operating in Germany. I do not know enough of the reliable facts to form an opinion and even if I did, it is not my concern, but that of the German people, who, at a free ballot similar to our own, approved it by a tremendous majority. I am mainly concerned with trying to improve our own conditions, but am forced to take notice, as I suggest every citizen should, when these matters are dragged into our midst in the form of the pamphlet to which I refer. If the same sort of atrocious story were circulated against Russia or any other nation on the word of one individual I should take the same view.
In this connection it is freely stated that the number of people “liquidated,” otherwise executed, in Russia under the Soviet regime runs into a very considerable figure, even millions. In an interview published in the “N.Z. Worker” Mr Stalin did not deny that such executions were carried out, but pointed out that they were necessary to keep down counter-plotting and sabotage. Now, since Mr Griffin mentioned that Mr Kisch had spent some time as an official in Russia, and is therefore presumably a ‘ Communist, I ventured to ask him whether it were not possible that Hitler’s activities were aimed at counteracting Communist methods in Germany, ,and if so, by what logic Hitler’s alleged ruthlessness could be condemned when applied to an enemy who admitted an even greater ruthlessness. I also pointed out the absurdity of Mr Griffin’s suggestion that the Australian inter-State railways .were being unified as part of a warlike plan. For long yea: s efforts have been made to have this unification of guage brought about to do away with the present inconvenience and expense of having to change trains and tranship goods at Albury. Even if it had a military significance the worst that could be claimed would be that it was for defensive purposes, and the ardent Communist airly disposes of Russia’s Red Army and other gigantic warlike accoutrements as being fully justified because they are for defensive purposes only. These questions were apparently unpopular with certain ardent believers and Mr Griffin made little effort to answer them. He .gladly, however, responded to a question concerning the difference between the Red*. Army and “Imperialistic” Armies. One was amused, by the way, by the simple delight of this questioner who said that "he knew the answer, but would like to hear It again”} The question was
evidently a pleasant contrast to mine and Mr Griffin gave what is apparently the “correct answer”—“that the Soviet Army were not out for aggression, but the Imperialistic armies were." I should be vastly interested to know who decides this and how. ; Mr Griffin’s sole contribution to the problem of how to avoid war was:-— That the peoples of all countries should get together in a movement of solidarity. What they would do when they got together was noVexplained. In the absence of some common plank or policy agreed on in advance (they can already be taken as unanimously disliking war < without getting together) one can imagine the peace and harmony which would ensure from such a gathering or organization. Like the Communist movement, its subsidiary movement, the Anti-War and Fascist movement may be described as an ideal in search of a means. In conclusion I should like to stress that I, in common with the multitude, wish to avoid war, but I believe the movements referred to, if following their present tactics (which I believe are directed by a far higher intelligence than those used to carry them out) will do more to ferment it than any other factor.
I suggest that economic conditions, with widespread poverty, are the basic causes of war, and I am prepared to prove that since we are now in a machine age of plenty for all, our economic problem is purely a monetary one and is therefore canable of being remedied without confiscation, or social warfare. It was widespread poverty in Russia (in this case due to a natural and not an artificialscarcity) that made possible the Russian revolution. In Germany it was similar poverty (in this case as a result of the conditions imposed either by the Treaty of Versailles or by monetary manipulators—or both) which led to the Nazi movement. The Germans were prepared again to fight if that were the only way out of their poverty and degradation. Is there another way out? One would assume peaceful trading would help—under the present monetary system foreign markets are a necessity. To-day Germany is being to some extent prevented from trading with this or other countries by the embargo organized against them by the Jews in various countries—and as we all know, the Jews are always prominent in financial organizations where they are able to exercise this embargo. The reason given by the Nazis for removing the Jews from positions of power in Germany was that they were monopolizing the people’s money and food supplies, that they were active in backing and organizing Communism, and in producing and distributing subversive and offensive literature and so forth. I understand that Mr Kisch is of Jewish extraction and bn his own statement appears to have been engaged in the kind of propaganda literature to which the Germans objected, and of which the extract quoted above is apparently a sample. So maybe there is more to the story of why he was arrested and then allowed to leave Germany than he has told us in his pamphlet.
Kisch says that in Germany armies are being rebuilt and women and children taught the use of gas masks and so forth. Even so, Germany would surely be just as entitled to the explanation of “home defence” as is the Red Army, which, I believe, is the greatest army in the world to-day. Moreover, in Russia, we are told by the Communists themselves, even school children are drilled and marched through the streets and photographs of these activities apnear in Soviet papers. How then, can Communist sunnorters logically object to Germany’s efforts to rearm, especially when Germany is limited by the Treaty of Versailles to .one munition factory—the one which was mysteriously blown up with the loss of some hundreds of workers’ lives, a few days ago. I suggest that if we are sincere in our desire for peace, we must face up to these questions and endeavour to obtain the truth whether or not it agrees with our preconceived notions. —I am, etc.,, F.N.R.
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Southland Times, Issue 25314, 18 June 1935, Page 9
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2,854COMMUNIST AND ANTI-FASCIST ACTIVITIES AND A PAMPHLET THAT DEMANDS ATTENTION. Southland Times, Issue 25314, 18 June 1935, Page 9
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