Foreign Affairs

Southland Times, Issue 25311, 14 June 1935, Page 9

Foreign Affairs

EGYPT’S POLITICS ATTITUDE OF KING . * PALACE CLIQUE’S INFLUENCE (By “Criticus.”) King Fuad’s unwillingness to govern without the intervention of the socalled Palace clique is one of the chief troubles in the internal administration of Egypt. The Ministry set up in January in consequence of British intervention failed to accomplish the reforms to which it was pledged because of constant obstruction .at the Palace. The situation, which is complicated by the King’s ill-health, causes anxiety both in Egyptian and British circles. The obstacle to the new regime is Zaki Ibrashi Pasha, the manager of the King’s private estates, and, his close friend and adviser. Until ’ the present Cabinet came into office, Ibrashi Pasha, while occupying no official position, openly gave orders to Ministers and in other ways asserted his influence over the King. It was hoped when Tewfik Nessim Pasha became Prime Minister that Ibrashi Pasha would be eliminated from public affairs; but the change of government has done no more than relegate him to the background, where he has continued to interfere in ways hardly less objectionable, to the discomliture and discouragement of the Prime Minister. This impasse gave theiEgyptian people the idea that the King had triumphed over Great Britain in her attempt to curtail his autocratic rule. They also believe that the Wafd party, notoriously anti-British in policy and spirit, will shortly return to power, prepared to restore the Constitution and renew the fight for independence. Responsible Egyptians who welcomed the change of regime are now complaining the Great Britain, having brought it about, is not giving sufficient support to the government of her choice. The King’s illness, adds to the perplexities of the Prime Minister through his reluctance to put undue pressure upon a sick man. Nessim Pasha, who had been twice Prime Minister, agreed to take office on condition that the King dissolved Parliament and gave him a free hand in the direction of policy. The Constitution was abolished, and he came into power pledged to “right wrongs, remedy abuses and reorganize the administration.” He is credited with having attempted in all sincerity to do all these things. Nessim Pasha’s position, however, has been one of. extreme difficulty, with the King on one hand, to whom he is deeply attached, obstinately refusing to dismiss his favourite, and on the other the Wafd pressing him for concessions and threatening to become strongly hostile if they are refused. The Wafd was practically moribund when Nessim Pasha took office last November, but it has since renewed its strength in a manner which is as remarkable as it is disquieting. Many of the more moderate members have seceded. The leaders announced publicly in March that the present Government is merely a bridge over which it will return to office. The Wafd has, undoubtedly benefited by certain measures which were adopted by the Prime Minister, although they were enforced for the good of the country, and not primarily in the interests of the party. For example, he reinstated officials who were dismissed by Sidky Pasha, a former Prime Minister, because they were proteges of the Wafd, and dismissed many village headmen (Omdas) who had been appointed by Sidky Pasha in the place of Wafdist supporters. These changes have naturally been hailed by the Wafd as proof of its support by the Government. Labour is now being organized by the Wafd. The party was permitted to hold a Congress two months ago, which was a sensational success. Among the resolutions passed was one demanding the immediate return of the country to the Constitution of 1923. Shortly afterwards the Wafd created what it calls the Higher Council of Labour, “to improve the condition of the artisan class” by forming trade unions.

The Wafd Labour Council is intended to supplant the Labour Bureau set up by the Government, which deals with all economic questions affecting the workers. This scheme for organizing labour has been denounced as a political manoeuvre, which it undoubtedly is, despite the denials of the party leaders. There is no doubt that the new unions will be manipulated through the “Higher Council’ as a part of the political machine. This move is of grave importance, for if the Wafd is permitted to carry out this plan of using labour for its own ends it will become a very grave menace to internal security, as the largest employers of labour in the country are the public services. Any political crisis that might arise in the future will be rendered still more serious by the danger of a general strike. The record of the Wafd in office is convincing proof of what may be expected if it is permitted to return to power. There will again be. general disorganization of the administration, due to its demagogic form of government; the provincial authorities will again be at the mercy of local deputies, and dislocation of finance will inevitably follow. During the last Wafd regime there was wild speculation in which the Government lost nearly £10,000,009 on the cotton market diming the first six months of 1930. Thus the situation in Egypt to-day is even more uncertain and full of dangerous possibilities than it was last November, when Great Britain intervened. It is no secret that Nessim Pasha has declared his inability to continue in office unless he is given the free hand which was promised when he agreed to form a non-politi-cal Cabinet with the benevolent approval of Great Britain. But the King obstinately refuses to part with his favourite. He remains in complete control, despite his physical disabilities, which prevent him from ehgaging fully in his normal daily routine. Nevertheless, he is able to receive official visitors,- and recently he spent two hours in conversation with the High Commissioner. His mind, is as keen as ever.

In these circumstances it would not be surprising if the King yielded to friendly pressure, and consented to the appointment of a Regency. He is known, to be averse from such a step, but it is obvious that the present state of affairs cannot endure much longer. If he continues to retain Ibrashi Pasha at the Palace the Prime Minister may, as a last resort, be compelled to insist upon a Regency.