IRELAND

Southland Times, Issue 17794, 26 July 1916, Page 5

IRELAND

HOME RULE DEFERRED Negotiations Broken OH DEFINITE CLEAVAGE AGAIN Appeals lo the Nationalists (By Telegraph—Press Assn.—Copyright) (Reuter’s Telegrams.) LONDON, July 24. In the House of Commons Mr Asquith announced that he did not propose to introduce tlie Irish Bill, as there did not appear to be a prospect of substantial agreement by all parties. Mr Redmond thereupon moved the adjournment, calling attention to the rapidly growing unrest in Ireland and the fact that the Government did not propose to carry out in their entirety the terms submitted for a temporary settlement. .Mr Asquith’s announcement was in reply to Mr Redmond’s inquiry if the Government intended to depart from tlie terms of tlie iigreement as to Mr Lloyd George's proposals or to insert proposals at variance with the agreement without consulting the Nationalists. Mr Asquith pointed out that the agreement was subject to approval and revision by the Cabinet. In this connection two questions emerged. Firstly, was the form of Ulster exclusion. AU parties agreed that inclusion should not be automatic. The Government do no more than make that sure. Secondly, after full examination the Government felt that they could not themselves agree or expect the House to agree that tlie full number of Irish members should be retained in tlie Commons after an election except where the consideration of Home Rule or an amending Bill was concerned. MR REDMOND’S REASONS. GOVERNMENT’S BREACH OF FAITH. NATIONALISTS’ SUSPICIONS AROUSED. PARTY TRUCE ENDED. LONDON, July 25. Received July 25, 8.50 p.m. In the House of Commons Mr Redmond, moving the adjournment, said lie wished to make a dispassionate statement of facts. After Mr Asquith's return from Ireland and Mr Lloyd George s negotiations thereon they were thrilled with the hone that the Irish question had been put out of the way until the war was concluded. Mr Lloyd George’s proposals were in no sense his or Sir E. Carson's proposals. The Government, two months ago, urged the necessity for a quick decision. The agreement was, in the words of Mr Asquith, for a provisional settlement until the war was over. That was the chief feature of the plan without which neither he nor his colleagues would have considered it. The agreement was plain and unmistakeable that the amending bill should remain in force during the continuance of the war and one year afterwards. When Sir E. Carson objected that the six Ulster counties would thus automatically cpme into the Home Rule Act if Parliament took no steps within a year after the war, the Nationalists assented to an additional provision that the duration of the Amending Bill should be extended by Order in Council until Parliament dealt with the six counties. The Nationalists did not desire to coerce any Ulster county which objected to Home Rule, but never contemplated the idea that this great question should be foreclosed and settled now. . Another fundamental proposal- was that during the period of transition the number of Irish members in the House of Commons should not be reduced. "The very day I returned to London I was faced by Lord Lansdowne’s proposal that a clause should be Inserted in the bill providing for the full maintenance of Imperial authority over the army and navy, though this matter was fully covered in the 1914 Act, rather than break down the agreement, I assented to a declaratory clause of the kind Lord Lansdowne desired. I believed that all obstacles in the way of the immediate introduction of the bill had been removed, but like a bolt from the blue came Lord Lansdowne’s speech in the House of Lords declaring that the bill would make certain structural alterations to tlie 1914 Act which would be permanent and endurable. Some days later I received an extraordinary message from Cabinet that a number of new proposals would be brought forward. When I asked the nature of the proposals I was informed that Cabinet did not desire to consult me until an agreement was reached. I received the next communication on Saturday, when Mr Lloyd George and the Rt. Hon. H. Samuel requested me to call at the War Office. They said that Cabinet had decided to insert two entirely new provisions in the bill. One provided for tlie permanent exclusion of the Ulster counties, and the other cut out of the draft bill the provision for the attendance of Irish members in full force at Westminster during the transitory period. I was given to understand that the decision was absolute and final.” The Government's action is bound to Increase Irish suspicion in thfe good faith of British statesmen. If the Government Introduced the bill on the lines communicated to him he would oppose it at every stage, and henceforward Nationalists would feel it their duty to exercise their independent judgment in criticising the ever increasing vacillation and procrastination which seemed to form tlie entire policy of the Government, not only in reference to Ireland, but the whole conduct of the war.” LLOYD GEORGE'S APPEAL. DOMESTIC STRIFE DISASTROUS. SUBSTANCE OF AGREEMENT NOT BROKEN. "MR REDMOND AND 1 SHOULD SHAKE HANDS.” LONDON, July 25. Receiver! July 25, 9 p.m. Mr Lloyd George said that Mr Redmond’s narrative was substantially accurate, except in one or two particulars. He hoped that tlie agreement had only broken down temporarily. (Nationalist laughter). It would be disastrous in the middle of a great war if we should be diverted giving our whole energies to tlie prosecution of the war by ttie necessity to discuss a matter of domestic strife. He agreed with Mr Redmond that the arrangement should be provisional, and the whole situation reviewed at the end of tlie war. )l was contemplated that a conference, representing the whole self-governing dominions, should discuss the final settlement. Not that the conference should decide, as only the Imperial Parliament could decide, but that wc should have tlie assistance and experience of the colonies. It was also made perfectly clear that the Ulster counties should never be automatically included. Nationalist cries : No : no ! Mr IJoyd George : That was in accordance with (he terms- that Mr Asquith announced in tlie House of Commons. Mr Redmond, interjecting : The intention of all of us was that the provisional arrangement should remain in existence until a permanent settlement was finally determined. Mr Lloyd George : Under no conditions were the six Ulster counties to come under tlie Home Rule Government against their will. The present agreement had fallen through, not because of any difference in substance, but because they could not arrive at a form of words which would enable the agreement to be carried out. Mr Redmond interjected : Why not put the form of words approved by ourselves and Sir E. Carson into the bill. Mr Lloyd George : There is a great difference between drafting a form of words on foolscap, containing tlie heads of settlement, and drafting an Act of Parliament. Referring to Irish representation at Westminster Mr Lloyd George admitted

that the head of settlement had been departed from. This was done because the Unionist members of Cabinet found it quite impossible to support the proposal. They maintained that if the Irishmen were in undiminished numbers in tlie Imperial Parliament after a general election it might make all the difference between a Liberal and Unionist Government. Loud Nationalist cheers. Cries ; This is patriotism and no party .' What about the war now Mr Lloyd George continued : "The Unionist said this would he most unfair. 1 never deviated from the cardinal point that the Ulster counties must be definitely struck out of the Home Rule Act. If a subsequent Parliament desired to put them in again w'ith tlie good will of Ulster or by coercion. Parliament could do so. Nationalists knew the unanimous decision of Cabinet now, and it would be a god day for Ireland if Mr Redmond and myself were to shake hands on the floor of the House. (Loud cheers). But if this Is done there must be no idea of coercing Ulster. Let Ulster be bodily struck out of the bill, and let the Nationalists win over Ulster if they can.’ SIR E. CARSON'S VIEWS. NOT THE TIME TO QUARREL. LONDON, July 25. Received July 25, 0.30 p.m. Sir E. Carson said he felt that the coercion of Ulster was impossible. When Ulstermen and Dublin Fusiliers died In the trenches side by side he would have been a faithless citizen and a faithless son of the Empire if he had refused to enter into negotiations. "I am quite sure that at the end of the war we shall have had enough fighting, and will have lo consider te great questions of the reconstruction of the whole Empire and the whole basis of society. There will be financial difficulties so grave that I don’t like to contemplate them, and it will enormously increase, our difficulties if the old Irish quarrels are resumed.” Mr O’Brien taunted the Redmondites witli running away from the substance of their agreement owing to Irish pressure. Ireland would never forget that the Redmondites had agreed to Separate the six richest and most historical counties, and one-third of the whole population. If the plot had succeeded it would have been the death sentence of the constitutional movement in Ireland. THE NATIONALISTS’ OPPORTUNITY. “WILL YOU THROW IT AWAY ?’’ APPEAL TO THE COUNTRY IF NECESSARY. LONDON, July 25. Received July 25, 10 p.m. Mr Asquith acknowledged the local patriotic attitude of the Nationalists during the war, then he addressed the Redmondites directly : “This is your opportunity with the consent of all the members of the coalition for bringing Home Rule into immediate operation. Are you going to throw away the opportunity ? That Is the question. The war has united all parties In a, common desire to concentrate all energies upon the success of our arms, and has made Irishmen of all shades of opinion look with nausea and distrust upon a possible reference to internicine strife. Contrary to all their wishes my Unionist colleagues agreed that Home Rule should come into immediate operation. It was part of the agreement that six counties be excluded. I consider that the exclusion of the six counties was the greatest give and take arrangement ever made in political history." Mr Asquith said he asked the House, and if necessary the country, whether the Government's proposals were not fair. As an ardent Home Ruler he begged Nationalists not to break off negotiations. On - behalf of the Government he repeated Sir E. Carson's appeal not to allow the present opportunity to slip away, which Mr Redmond had said was for Ireland’s good and would promote the strength and safety of the Empire. Mr Redmond’s motion was negatived. LLOYD GEORGE OFFERED TO RESIGN. A NEWSPAPER REPORT. {Reuter’s Telegrams.) LONDON, July 25. Received July 26th, 12.55 a.m. The Daily News states that Mr Lloyd George offered to resign in view of the Irish controversy. It is understood that Mr Asquith’s attitude is that if Mr Lloyd George resigns he will consider himself bound to resign also. The matter is not being discussed but the situation of the coalition government has not improved.