South Canterbury Times. SATURDAY, JUNE 14, 1884.

South Canterbury Times, Issue 3492, 14 June 1884, Page 2

South Canterbury Times. SATURDAY, JUNE 14, 1884.

Political freedom, like all other conditions of life, is very much a matter of comparison. The people of the United Kingdom, for example, have for generations past been in the habit of singing in the words of a patriotic poet, that Britons never, never, will be slaves. As long as a people are under the impression that they are entirely free, it is a pity to disturb the pleasing illusion. The Conservative party at Horae have certainly never been guilty of so unkind an Act, but they have sagaciously encouraged the masses to boast lustily of their freedom, and thus to delude themselves into the idea that they are in full possession of all the rights of citizenship. Meanwhile, till within a comparatively recent period the political power was almost wholly with the upper classes. The great Reform Bill materially altered the balance of power, shifting, as it were, the fulcrum, and increasing the leverage of the great body of the people, but still leaving some millions of honest workers without a voice in the affairs of the nation. Since then, at various times the “ bounds of freedom ” have been extended, and just lately Mr Gladstone has brought in a Bill, which, if it passes, will give an additional two millions of the Queen’s subjects a voice in the imposition o the taxes to which they have always had the privilege of contributing. Mr Gladstone is undoubtedly wise in his day and generation. The recent policy of his Government, especially in regard to Egyptian affairs, has been subjected to severe criticism, and is almost wholly condemned by the educated classes. To anyone who follows the course of politics at Home it is indeed evident that the policy of the Government in relation to Egypt and the Soudan is condemned by a majority of the Liberal party, and it is only the incapacity of the leaders of the Opposition, which has saved the Ministry from defeat. The Conservatives in their attempt to unseat the Ministry lost the game from inability to use the cards which they held in their hands. The sheer force, too, of Mr Gladstone’s own eloquence has been a tower of strength to his party. So great is the personal influence of this wonderful old man, that it may almost without hesitation be said that feeble as is the leadership of the Opposition, tbe Liberal Government, without Mr Gladstone, would have fallen under its attacks. Since the victories of Lord Wolseley and the conclusion of the Egyptian campaign, the actions of the Government have been a series of unhappy blunders as inexplicable as they are indefensible. The Egyptians are supposed to enjoy the advantages of constitutional Government, and the right of managing their own affairs, but it is not long ago that the Egyptian Cabinet was turned out by order of Mr Gladstone, and a new set of men, with a new policy, installed in their places. The Soudan, as is well known, was conquered by the Egyptians about G 5 years ago, and remained under Egyption rule till the appearance of the Mahdi, under whose leadership the hardy Arab tribes sought to regain their independence. "Very naturally the Egyptian Government took measures to put down this rebellion as it is generally called, though for our own part, we cannot regard it in any other light than the legitimate struggle of a brave and high-spirited race to regain their liberty. Till the annihilation of General Hicks’ army, the British Government in nowise interfered, but tacitly admitted the right of Egypt to chastise Its rebellious subjects. But after that point in the development of the tragedy had been reached, Mr Gladstone said, “ You are not able to reconquer the Soudan, you must leave it alone, or at the most, yon must confine your efforts to the relief of certain beleagurcd towns.” Then followed the disaster to General Baker’s army at El Teb, and the subsequent hideous slaughter of the Arab tribes by British forces. Before, however, these latter events happened, Chinese Gordon had been despatched to Khartoum to effect, if possible, a peaceful settlement of the difficulty. General Gordon went armed with full discretionary powers and nothing else. His mission, which nothing less than a miracle could have rendered successful, has, to ail appearances proved a dead failure, and to the everlasting disgrace of the British Government, that heroic, self-sacri-ficing man has been virtually abandoned to his fate. It is true, we heard of a force to be despatched to his relief some months hence, which must afford great hopes to a man surrounded by hordes of blood-thirsty savages, and in daily peril of his life. The British public have aroused themselves in the matter, and want to know the reason of these apparently inexplicable proceedings,but no satisfactory reason is forthcoming. Mr Gladstone as we have said, has repelled the attacks of the Opposition by the force of his personal character and irresistible eloquence, but the tide of public opinion is steadily gathering force against him and no one knows this so well as himself. Therefore ho falls back upon the extension of the franchise, he is in fact about to recruit the strength of his forces from a hitherto untouched source. Should the Franchise Bill pass, as it probably will, notwithstanding the bitter opposition of the Conservatives, Mr Gladstone will command tbe votes of an additional two million electors, who know and care little or nothing about the affairs of Egypt or the Soudan, but have implicit confidence in the “ people’s William,” Mr Gladstone’s necessity is likely to prove the cause of justice being done to a large body of his fellow subjects, and

whatever else may be said about the matter, the contemplated extension of the franchise mnst be regarded as a bold and masterly resource of a great and noble intellect.

It is little to be wondered at that the largest political meeting ever held in Ashburton, assembled last evening to hear the returned prodigal—Sir Julius Yogel. That the burgesses of Ashburton are for him. to a man, there is no doubt, and, though Mr Wason’s popularity in the district will give him a good following, it is probable Sir Julius will beat him by a respectable majority. The speech delivered last night, covered more ground and was more cleverly conceived than any senatorial utterances yet made during the present year. The introductory remarks, setting forth delicate flattery to his rivals, and a good case for himself, were admirable, and his explanation of his connection with Home politics was very skilful He contested the Falmouth seat in the Conservative interest some years ago, simply because he could hardly help following in the wake of the great leader, Lord Beaconsfield, with whose party all tbe financial agencies which he represented, were bound up ; but, when wooing the electors of Ashburton, he cleverly turns this to account, by saying that he joined the Conservatives at Home, because he “ felt it his duty to do what he could to prevent the disintegration of the Empire, and he was wholly with the Conservatives at Home in their colonial policy. The position he had taken in politics at Home had, however, nothing to do with his politics here.” It was solicitude for the colonies and the integrity of the Empire that actuated him in choosing a side. To do Sir Julius Vogel justice, it must be owned that no man ever did the colony better service when he was at Home, and if he was an expensive servant, he was a thoroughly good one. With his remarks about the reproductiveness of the railways we cordially agree, Too much has been expected from the lines, and too little attention has been paid to the management of them. Sir Julius’ remarks upon the regulation of capital and labor, and the value of capital to the colony are weighty and worthy of the widest publicity. Taken as a whole, the speech was most instructive and practical—the speech of a man who knew what be was talking about, and had within him resources of which this speech was but an indication. That Sir Julius will be in Parliament shortly we feel certain, that once there, he will never occupy a back seat, it is equally easy to predict. Once in power, with a strong, united Opposition to keep him in check, we believe he would do what nobody else seems able to do, viz., infuse life and hope into us. He will remain if the people evidently want him, he says—which in plain English means, if he gets power and place—otherwise he will flit away again. Just as we have said. This excellent servant has his price and it is a high one. The question now before the colony is—shall we engage the man again and pay him his price ? We await the opinion of the Ashburfconians. They shall first reply.