THE IRISH PROBLEM.

Patea Mail, Volume XLIV, 1 December 1920, Page 3

THE IRISH PROBLEM.

MR. ASQUITHAS “SOLUTION.” London, October 3. Last week Viscount Grey put forward a proposal for the evacuation of Ireland, failing agreement between the Irish factions ns to some plan of self-government. This proposed policy of “scuttle” recommended itself to many honest Englishmen, who arc so heartily sick and tired of the everlasting Irish problem that they would be willing to accept whatever risks there might be [attached to “cutting the painter,” Hut it is not a policy that meets with general approval, nor do students of the Irish question believe with Sir Donald Mat-Lean (hat it is the “only solution of the problem.” Mr. Asquith has another, but apparently it is no better than Viscount Grey’s from the point of view of those who conceive that Ireland's complete freedom from British governance will expose the Old Country to grievous risks which she should not under any circumstances lake Viscount Grey said (hat there must bo for Groat Britain and Ireland only one foreign policy, one army, and one navy, and that “ \\\* cannot stand a separation in these matters any more than the North could stand a separation from the South in the United States.” How he in his mind harmonised this statement with his proposal •, to evacuate Ireland in two years’ time wo do not protend to know. Obviously an evacuated Ireland would be free to sot up another army and navy, and follow another foreign policy, and, in short, do what Lord (trey says this country could not ‘ ‘ stand. ’ ’

But what says ATr. Asquith.' I’iis,. on contingent evacuation, he cannot bring himself to contemplate, even as a counsel of utlimate despair, our dual abandonment of “the task which histroy has imposed on us." Secondly, ho is willing to let Ireland have her own army and navy if she wants them. Ho does not believe that Ireland would be so “insane" its to “mortgage its scanty margin of resources for such a fruitless and costly enterprise as an Irish navy." And, he would give Irehind the right to maintain for the purpose of local defence, an adequate military force. Thirdly, Ireland would have ‘ ‘ fiscal independence." So the three things Lord Grey says we cannot “stand" are cheerfully conceded by Air. Asquith. Ireland could (if she preferred being “insane”) buy, without raising any serious mortgage on her resources enough submarines to affect our naval position —she could have an army—she could follow (fiscally, at any rate) an independent. foreign policy. Air. Asquith labels his policy as Dominion Home liulc, “the bestowal upon Ireland or the stains of an autonomous Dominion in the fullest and widest sense.” To the normal intelligence there does not seem to be a vast difference between Air. Asquith’s proposals, and Lord Grev’s snggecsted “scuttle." The majority of thoughtful Englishmen to-day are quite ready to concede Ireland the very fullest measure of Home Kale, always providing the loyalists of 1 Istcr are not simply “thrown to the dogs" — compatible with their own safely. But —rightly or wrongly, we have been taught to believe most (irmly that an Ireland free to do as she likes, uhethor as a republic “out and oik" or as a Dominion clothed with exactly the same powers as regards naval and military forces as belong to the other self-governing Dominions, is a proposition wo must not on any account entertain.

Conceding that (Ik* creation ol an Irish navy is not a Ukoly outcome 01. the fullest form of Dominion selfgovernment, that the submarine risk referred lo is negligible, and assuming that an independent Ireland would be friendly rather than hostile to (treat Britain, (here remains the fae.t that Ireland (Sinn Fein is very fond of rubbing this in) is "the key of fhe Atlantic," and the complete naval command of its shores and harbours is a vital interest of Great Britain. The naval question so moniniates the situation that there is no necessity to discuss that of the land forces which an independent Ireland might see tit to create, but even at the best of times the idea of sanctioning the setting up at our very door of a national armed force entirely removed from Imperial control its in Australia and Canada, is one the British public is certainly not prepared to entertain. In the Home Ride Bill which Js now Indore .Parliament, Ireland is offered the control in duo time of her own police, and that, in the opinion of most people in this country, represents the maximum of what can —having regard to the requirements of safety -be conceded. That the Dominion status, in the sense MT. Asquith gives to it, should be conferred on Ireland and immedial(ely, is a suggestion which people are finding it hard to believe was seriously made by mi honest and responsible politician