The Otago Witness. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED THE SOUTHERN MERCURY. (TUESDAY, JULY 23, 1929.) THE WEEK.

Otago Witness, Issue 3932, 23 July 1929, Page 47

The Otago Witness. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED THE SOUTHERN MERCURY. (TUESDAY, JULY 23, 1929.) THE WEEK.

"Nunquatn allud uatura, allud sapientia dixit.” —Juvenal. "Good nature and good sense must ever join.”— POFB.

The South Island Main Trunk Railway.

The perfect harmony which characterised the proceedings at

the deputation to Sir Joseph Ward on the subject of the South Island main trun 1 ' railway must

have been mutually pleasing to the chief spokesmen. This, of course, includes the Prime Minister. When it is remembered that this deputation was simply a vehicle to assure Sir Joseph of the soundness of his decision the harmony was not remarkable. It must be admitted with regret, however, that the deputation did not meet some of the objections which have been urged against the construction of the line at the present time. On several grounds the prosecution of the line is desirable, but there is a persistent demand for some proof that it will not add unduly to our present railway burden. It is unwise to ignore these demands. If the line will bring with it the results claimed. then investigation will strengthen the case in its favour. It may be that Sir Joseph has facts which will convince the timid ones that the railway is necessary and its construction a sound undertaking If that proves to be the case, it will be very satisfactory, but up to the present moment the opponents of the line have presented a strong case against it. Certainly some of the arguments- have been used against other lines which have proved their value, but the figures put forward by Mr Jones, for instance, have not been proven to be unsound. The lines of communication must be opened up as speedily as possible, and the point to lie decided is whether those shall be modern roads or the railway. That point should be settled quickly, so that

the people directly concerned should have access to markets and to the centres of population.

Election Pledges and Fulfilment.

The assertion by the Minister of Puo'ie

Works that the United Party has redeemed its election pledges will

come as a surprise to the country. Certainly Mr Ransom made some qualifications and offered several excuses, but it must be perfectly plain to ordinary folk that the United Party’s promise lacks fulfilment. The United Tarty may be able to solve un-’-employment, but as yet there is no indication of its ability to accomplish it. It may be able to gi'e the country money at a cheaper rate than it can borrow, but so far it has not been foolhardy enough to attempt it. The party may be able to do all the things promised before the election, but that remains to be seen. In the meantime, it iis clear that the Government is in no hurry to get on with its legislation. It | has helped to kill time by utilising the | Address-in-Reply debate as a stop-gap. the only conclusion being that the Bills for the session are not ready. That is not remarkable when it is remembered that Ministers utilised the recess as •> period for travelling the length and breadth of the country. We have also been assured by the spokesmen of the Government that land settlement will be undertaken on a scale beyond the dreams of the Reform Party. That is also very welcome, but the time is rapidly approaching when it will be pertinent to ask what has been done.

Our Graduates.

The week has witnessed the most important event in the

lives of University students—the conferring of degrees on the elect.

There is something peculiarly fascinating about a university career, as there is always something heartening in the progress of youth. On the faee of it. those favoured sons and daughters who enjoy the privilege of a university education should lose their competitors in the race of life. In his speech at the graduation ceremony, Mr Hanan remarked on the fact that of the many students who had passed Hirough the Otago University not a dozen had found a place in the Parliament of this country. We do not regard that is evidence of incapacity on the part of University graduates. There are surelv spheres for the utilisation of their intellectual capacity which call for qualities greater and more useful than politics. Mr Hanan knows well that in present-day politics success depends more upon the exercise of certain electioneering gifts than upon any capacity for statesmanship. It is to be hoped that a university training will tend to fortify men against the development of such talents as are necessary u> make a successful nolitician. It is.

indeed, in the wider and greater activities of life that the fruits of the university should he manifest, and judged by that standard the graduates of the past have acquitted themselves wit'i credit. It has become a truism that nor every brilliant student lives up to his early promise, but life and learning are not the same. The quality of judgment cannot be learned from books, and success in life depends on the exercise of what is popularly called common sense. It is real sense, nevertheless, and this conies only from experience of life. What the University should do. however, is to fit its sons and daughters for the task of living useful lives, and for that the training they have received should be precious beyond rubies. We congratulate this year’s graduates, and wish them success in the greater school on which they are about to embark.

The Naval Base at Singapore-

The British Labour Government is endeavouring to arrive at

a decision on the question of the naval base a’

Singapore, where docks I and a dockyard are at present under I construction. The decision to develop this base was the result of the Admiralty’s announcement in the Naval Estimates of 1923. and the work has lieen proceeding for soinr considerable time. Beginning as an undertaking r o be financed by Great Britain, it has developed into something ot wider significance, in which Australia and New Zealand have financial commitments and a definite interest on account of its relation to naval defence in the Pacific. This country, for instance, is committed to an expenditure of £1,000,000 as its contribution towards the cost of the base. The total cost will be upwards >1 £10.000,000, and the Dominion’s payments will be spread proport ionatelv over the period of its construction, estimated to be some seven years. Therefore the decision of the British Government can hardly be made without consulting those nations in the British Commonwealth which have material interests in the Pacific. I* is worthy ot note that the Labour Party in New Zealand is opposed to the Singapore base just as it is opposed to any measure for the naval or military defence of the Empire. This attitude may or may not influence Mr MacDonald in his final decision, but certain facts must be recognised as being of paramount importance from the point of view of Australia and New Zealand. Singapore is on the route, via the Suez Canal to China and Australia. It is on a highway of ocean traffic, and its strategic value is great. The docks at present there are capable ' of accommodating only the older ships,

which are rapidly passing into tin. ship-breakers’ hands. At present there are no British docks in the Far East capable of taking battle-cruisers and battleships which are fitted with a “ bulge ” —the modern means of defence against torpedo attack. It a warship is not docked at frequent intervals it loses speed and radius of action. Therefore Singapore has been selected on the grounds of distance and accessibility. It has been urged that the work at Singa-. pore conflicts with the letter and spirit of the Washington Agreement. There is no ground for this assumption, for ths reason that Great Britain is as free to develop , Singapore as is the United to develop its base at Pearl Island in flhwaii. It should no,, be forgotten that the United States Senate Committee has laid it down that as the main fleet of its navy is now stationed in the Pacific, it is necessary for its maintenance that there should" be deepwater bases at which it can find shelter, supply, repair, and equipment. By general consent the Pacific is important, and to none is it more so than to Australia and New Zealand.

Electoral Reform.

The immediate price of Liberal support for the British Labour

Government is a promise of electoral refonii.

From the point of view

of the Liberal Party, this is not only urgent and necessary as affecting its own political existence, but is claimed as a matter of national equity. There is a large volume of opinion in Britain favourable to a radical change in electoral machinery, and there can be no question that the Liberals are in earnest. In some quarters the belief is held that Liberalism is a spent force. Liberalism, remarked Mr J. L. Garvin in the Observer recently, is not by any means going to lie so easily suppressed as both the other parties still assume. In the days following the election it was widely recognised that electoral reform was one of the immediately vital issues, and this view is strengthened by the cable news this week. Mr MacDonald has intimated that he has submitted tc Mr Baldwin and to Mr Lloyd George the proposed terms of reference for the inquiry into electoral reform. The reason for the anxiety of the Liberals is explained by the recent election figures. Instead of a party bearing some relation to its numerical voting strength in the country it finds itself with some 58 seats. The position may be readily grasped from the tollowing table: —

Votes Seats Polled. Won. Conservative . . 8.500,000 200 Labour . . . . 8.300,000 289 Liberal .. .. 5,20.,.000 58 It is not necessary to take into account the votes polled Ify Independents or Communists, these being some 300,000. When it is remembered that the Liberal vote increased from 2,928,000 at the previous election to 5,200.000 in May last, the attitude of the Liberals can be more readily appreciated. "We remarked some weeks ago,” says the Observer, “ that ‘ the dice are still

loaded against Liberalism.’ .. . For the efficiency of Parliament, it is folly to exclude it (the Liberal Party) so largely and artificially from the House of Commons, where, on a iair system of representation or by reasonable arrangement, it ought to have at least 120 members.” The leading organ of Liberalism in Britain puts the position in these plain terms: “The Liberal Party cannot march with Mr MacDonald for four or even two years if they know that his real mind is that at the end of the journey the guillotine shall stand waiting. They know that at the last election over 5,000.000 votes were cast for Liberal candidates, about a quarter of the total vote, and they think that to extinguish, by a fraudulent method of counting, the party which represents these votes is a monstrous perversion of a nominally democratic franchise.”

Russia and China.

It was sooner or later inevitable tliat

the incurable habit of the Soviet of interfering in the business of other

nations would lead to serious international complications. The Soviet Government has a peculiar standard of international propriety, and apparently feels that it has a prerogative to meddle in the domestic affairs ot those countries where its representatives have domicile. Behind the present breach between Russia and China, however, it may be assumed that the control of the Chinese Eastern Railway ’s an important factor in the dispute. For a considerable period Russia has been endeavouring to force its way into China and increase its influence. In spite of China's aversion to Soviet doctrines, Russia has persisted in pushing on Ls propaganda. Even the railway has been used as a means for Russian penetration, and the Chinese National Government has apparently grown weary of the process. The railway runt through Chinese territory, being made possible by a concession given by the Chinese Government during the Czarist regime. This concession includes control of a narrow strip of land on either side of the line. Russia claimed the right to station troops on this territory for the ostensible purpose of guarding the railway, and also to set up a police force. A number of post and telegraph oflices were also established. This condition of affairs could not. continue without serious nenac- to Chinese in--1 fluence, and China has issued a fiat

against the “ Reda.” Russia having renounced the concessions acquired ny the Imperial Government and given an undertaking that the railway should become a purely commercial enterprise, with the right of China to repurchase the line, it is open to China to put an end to Russia's proselytising. The railway was originally built by the RussoChinese Bank in 1896, and China is now anxious to exercise its right to complete control. This much is clear from the declaration of President Chiang that “ there is nothing unusual in our measures, which are designed to take the Chinese Eastern Railway into our own hands.” Whether the breach will lead to a contest of arms cannot be foreshadowed, but it must be recognised that Japan has rights to protect, and that she will not hesitate to protect them. It must be hoped that war will lie averted, and it is significant that M. Briand has plainly reminded the belligerents that they are both parties to the Kellogg Pact, and that therefore recourse to arms is inconsistent with their signatures.

The Obligation of Service.

The Government appears to have arrived at a peculiar conclusion

as a result of the agilation arising out of the

decision of two Presbyterian divinity students to ignore the provisions of the Defence Act with regard to compulsory military training. These youths refused to drill, and also refused the alternative of performing service in the Auckland Hospital. As the law stands, a measure of community service is demanded from the youth of the country. Certain exemptions are provided for, with alternative service in cases of conscientious objection. The Government, it appears, has decided to give immunity to divinity students. This decision has raised some misgivings, ami if it means that divinity students are to be relieved of any comparative measure of service, military or social, they are placed in an invidious position which will help neither the Church nor the State. We are not disposed to question the soundness of the consciences or these two young men, but an obligation which rests on the youth of the nation should be equitably ’ shared. There are many young men who find military training irksome and inconvenient. Alternative service cannot possibly be more so for divinity students, and, therefore, in common fairness they should accept their share of community service. The Labour Party, in furtherance of its peculiar anxiety to undermine the principle of military training, demands that an affirmation of conscientious objection should relieve any person from the obligation of service. But the State has rights as well as the individual, and it is a little incongruous that the party which would place the State in the position of drill sergeant in all other activities is so seriously disturbed on the question of individual rights in connection with this class of community service. The United States has just been called upon to decide a peculia.case having a direct relationship to citizenship and service. Mme. Rosika Schwimmer, .an internationally-known pacifist who inspired Mr Henry Ford to send his “ peace ship ” to Europe in 1915, applied for the rights of American citizenship. In her testimony it was made clear that she is disposed to exert her influence to prevent citizens of the United States from bearing arms. The United States Supreme Court has held that by a fundamental principle of the Constitution it “ is the duty of citizens by force of arms to defend‘our Government against all enemies wherever necessity arises.” Therefore, as far as the United States is concerned, Madame k. chwimmer must remain a woman without a country. One paragraph in the judgment is of wide interest, and is not without point in the case of the recent prosecutions in Auckland: —

A pacifist in the general sense of the woid is one who seeks to maintain peace and abolish war. Such purposes are in harmony with the Constitution and policy’ of our Government. But the word is also used and understood to mean one who refuses or is unwilling for any purpose to bear arms because of conscientious considers, tions, and who is disposed to encourage others in such refusal. And one who is without any sense of nationalism is not well bound or held bv the ties of affection to any nation or Government.