IMPRESSIONS OF CHINA.
V.—COMMUNISM IN CANTON.
By Professor J. B. Condlbte.
It would help a good deal in appreciating the present situation in China if one could always remember its extreme confusion. To begin with, the so-called
revolution is not a simple matter. The movements going on in various parts of China present a bewildering number of historical analogies. There is not one simple stirring hymn of nationalist independence ; but rather a jazzy mixture of potted tunes. One hears echoes of peasant wars i . Europe, of American idependence, and, indeed, of practically all revolutions. Beneath all these, set often enough in the snycopation of Moscow, an economist easily detects the undertone of rapid industrial and commercial change. These various movements are proceeding at a different pace in different parts of the country. It can never have been
very accurate to speak and write of China *as if there was unity within the Empire, and at the present time China is simply i geographical expression. It would. De more accurate if, instead of drawing tacit comparisons with simple situations in comparatively unified countries, the revolu tion in China could be envisaged as a magnified 1848 all over Europe with religious, economic, and international complications added and the whole extended over decades instead of days. Perhaps the best illustration of this complexity may be a statement in simple terms of recent events in Canton, though such a statement is bound to be inaccurate by reason of its simplicity. It was in Canton that the Nationist movement first found a secure lodging. Cantonese emigrants have poured money into the cause from Singapore, Honolulu, Australia, New Zealand, and many other lands. Sun yat-sen himself was a Cantonese. It Was from Canton that the victorious northwar march of the Nationalist army began in 1925. The Government was then regarded as a model of financial and administrative efficiency such as nationalism would reproduce in other areas. The civil government remained at Canton until after the capture of Hankow, and provided the money and supplies necessary for the Northern advance. The military forces were left in command of a trusted general, Li Chai Sum. When Chiang-kai-shek broke with Hankow and set up a rival government at Nanking, Li Chai Sum did his part by cleaning out the Communist and Radical elements in Canton. Meantime, nowever, the once united Kuomintang as tent by dissension, and the weakness of the ci ril authorities gradually became blear. Although Chiang-kai-shek resigned the subordinate generals became almost independent, r.nJ even in Nanking itself regarded the civil government very lightly. It might negotiate with foreigners if it liked, but on substantial of everyday importance, especially those concerning money, local commanders were a law unto themselves.
In the latter months <rf 1927 a great .effort was made to unify 'the party once more, and General L’ Chai Sum went to Shanghai to attend the party conference. His back was hardly turned when two of his subodinates, chief df whom was Chang Fa Kwei, matched in and took possession of the city. Some politicians are suspected of haying been involved in the- intrigue, notably Wong-chirig-wei, who has since left for France. This situation was dramatically changed when members of the Communist Party suddenly set up Soviet within the city. Radical elements had been powerful in Canton for many years. Ever since the Hongkong strike vf June, • 1925, large numbers of strikers billetted themselves right in the i y at the expense of local merchants. It is only a few weeks ago that the last of these received TOO dollar- each as a final payment. The facts of the recent rising are rather obscure, but apparently one of the subordinate- generals invited the coof the Radical-peasant-farmer unions. The Soviet Consulate also acted as a focussing,point ror well-known Communist, leaders who had... been con-
centrating in Canton after tLcir reverses and the expected reprisals (which duly occurred) at Hankow. When the coup was effected certain of the prisons were opened, and their inmates, together with a crowd of slum-dwellers and r large contingent of beggars, were responsible for much looting and many fires. The turning of the tables introduces a picturesque character, General Li Fuh Lum, known among the foreigners as Lamp-Chimney Lei. This local warlord was formerly a bandit, and received his nickname from an exploit in which he used a smoky lamp chimney to represent a gun barrel. The name he has given himself means “ Blessings of Heaven.” He has established headquarters on the little island of Honam in the river delta, and has built there what is to all intents and purposes a feudal castle in ferro-con-crete, complete with moat. A vigorous and able Number Five wife rules this refuge from which he sallies at the propitious moment to join forces with the winning side. He has been in local power since the revolution, and is well liked in his area.
When he came heavily to the support of a remnant of troops who were resisting the Communist attack, there was a quick end to the Soviet. of the important Chinese Communists appear to have escaped, but there were over 2000 executions. Any one wearing a red badge or scarf, or found in company with such a person was killed. Five of the Soviet Consulate staff, including the Vice-Con-sul, were shot. The day had been hot and ma,ny persons who had torn off their badges were detected by stains on their necks. A family of five attempting to escape, and not knowing the Reds were already beaten called out that they were Reds, and were shot forthwith. Women were treated in a manner that will not : bear description—the most revolting photographs are on sale both in Canton and in Hongkong. Batches of prisoners were taken to the river and shot from launches. Odd bodies still float about. Meantime, a great fire started and destroyed some thousands of. buildings, including the Central Bank of China, once the pride of Kuomintang. The generals had before taken all but 10 per cent, of the 8,000,C00d0l of silver reserve. The total loss of life, including the executions, can only be guessed, but is reckoned to be over 7000. While the. trouble lasted Chinese residents and officials poured into the British and French Concessions at Shameen. These concessions are built on a tiny narrow island, the name of which means “ sandy top.” . At the entrance gate of the British bridge there is a monument commemorating the shooting incident of June 23, 1925, which contributed so much to anti-British propaganda and feeling. These lines are being written in Canton more tban a week after the disorder. The citp is quiet and free from troops. Shopkeepers inspect one through double-barred doors and, after drawing back the heavy shutters, apologise because their best stock is in a safe place—which generally means Shameen. There is no immediate danger, but they are very nervous. Meanwhile General Li Chai Sum is advancing from the East and another leader from the West. Lamp-Chimney Lei at first retired to his island but later played safe by going to Hongkong while Chang Fa Kwei with his “ Ironsides ” has gone to meet Li Chpi Sum and dispute his re-entry.' Li Chai Sum has the mandate of- Nanking to resume his former command ; but all parties profess to be nationalist and all are supporters of Nanking. The dis pute may come to blows or it may not. It is partly personal; but has a provincial aspect also. Li Chai Sum is a Kwangsi man and the Cantonese -generals ask why a stranger and his troops should control their city. At the moment there is no Government and no one knows quite when the new Government will arrive or who it will be. Fortunately, Chinese merchants, on the whole, prefer less rather than more government. The streets are very quiet, and a foreigner anxious to look at ivory, jade, amber, embroidery, or brass, is' a welcome visitor even when he cannot afford to buy. The absence of anti-foreign’ feeling is reassuring ; but Canton is an illustration of the difficulties of government in China today. . The eventual emergence of a reorganised Nationalist Government will result only from a slow and .painful process of fundamental cooperative reconstruc-
tion. The hopeful fact is the resilience of the common people whose hold on life and pursuit of prosperity is more tenacious than that of any other people in the world.
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Otago Witness, Issue 3862, 20 March 1928, Page 7
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1,405IMPRESSIONS OF CHINA. Otago Witness, Issue 3862, 20 March 1928, Page 7
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