THE REV. JAMES BARR.

Otago Witness, Issue 3833, 30 August 1927, Page 28

THE REV. JAMES BARR.

WELCOME TO DUNEDIN.

ENTERTAINED BY UNIVERSITY CLUB.

A notable visitor to Dunedin at the present time is the Rev’. James Barr, 8.D., who represents the constituency of Motherwell, in the British House of Commons. Mr Barr is a representative of the Labour Party in the House of Commons. He is filso a member of the United Free Church of Scotland. He served for three years on the Royal Commission on the Housing of the Industrial Population of Scotland, and he has taken a leading part in the campaign for no-license in Scotland. This year he introduced into Parliament the Government of Scotland Bill, a measure initiated by the Labour members from Scotland, aiming at Home Rule for Scotland.

Mr Barr is touring- the Dominion from Auckland to Bluff. At the University Club on Friday the visitor was accorded a luncheon, at which he had the opportunity of meeting many of the professors and professional men of the city. Mr A. H. Tonkinson occupier the chair.' In the course of an address, the Rev. Mr Barr thanked the club for the welcome given to him. He briefly sketched his school life, leading up to his university days, and gave a number of humorous incidents in the lives of well-known professors. One of his teachers was Lord Kelvin, who, he said, was not so eminent ns a teacher as he was a scientist and an inventor. Proceeding, he dealt with university life in Scotland before the Reformation, and outlined Knox’s scheme of education—a school in every parish, a higher school in every considerable town, and a suitable university in all the provinces. In 1696 there was passed an act of Parliament putting a levy on all proprietors of land for the furnishing- of each parish with a school, and from that day, as Macaulay said, ‘‘Scotland, in matters of education, had no need to envy any other country in the world.” With the Act of 1872 a new bound forward was taken in education. Scottish parents were ever willing to make a sacrifice in order that their sons might have a university education. Aided by such aspirations and the sacrifices freely made, some of the noblest men made their way to high positions, and he instanced George Buchanan and David Livingstone as men with few advantages who had won their wav to fame.

In modern times, he said, this strain was not put upon the poorer families. Instead, every facility was given to them to develop their talents. He was for 11 years a member of the School Board of Glasgow, and in that capacity he did everything to forward the education of all classes. In his addresses to his constituents, he stood for well-equipped buildings, well-paid teachers, and the development of education in every way. The day ■was long past when it was thought dangerous to give education to the working classes. In 4893, it was stated in Blackwood’s Magazine, that education would make th- working classes ‘‘restless and uneasy.’’ To-day education was recognised as the birthright of all, and an educated working class would be a greater safety to the community than an ignorant working class. It ought to be emphasised that the great object in education wzs not to finish education for lads and girls. There was a great deal of nonsense talked about this one or that one going to a school to finish his or her education. The best of our fathers never finished their education. Burns, apart from his genius, was constantly cultivating his mind. One of the great purposes of education was to give a love of learning and of pure literature, and to be a guidance in study that would be the means of making one a student all his days. After all, the matter of competitions and the winning of prizes was a small element in the real success of a school. The Labour Party, in the House of Commons, had, by far the most advanced programme of education of any party in the Old Country, and on every occasion its niembers urged that every possible facility should be given for the development of education. If economy “cuts” bad to be made, education was the last department that should be touched. ‘‘As one result of our policy and of our idea of trying to link the educational’ world and the practical world,” he said, ‘‘we have in our party in the House men who have been professors, as well as meq who have been teachers, and those who have been lecturers, and as a party, we seek to unite •the educational elements with the practical elements. So we have the trade union

leader sitting side by side with the professor of political economy on the front bench, and also on the back bench in the House of Commons.” As Milton said in his tract on “Education,” the great business of education was not to produce scholars but ‘‘to train those who would in the future be renowned and matchless mei»”—men who would take their part in forming a renowned and matchless country.

Mt W. R. Brugh expressed the thanks of the club to t"he Rev. Mr Barr for his address. CIVIC RECEPTION. The City Council Chamber was crowded on Friday afternoon at 4 o'clock when the Mayor- of Dunedin (Mr W. B. Taverner) extended a civic reception to the Rev. Mr Barr. The attendance was representative of many sections of the community, included a large number of ladies. Flowers adorned the room, and looked very pretty. A bowl of berberis occupied A place on the centre table, and here and

there were vases of heather and snowdrops, with spring flowers and daffodils.

'Thu Mayor said he was pleased to have the opportunity of inviting citizens to assist by their presence in a civic reception to the Rev. James Barr, <2 Glasgow. His gratification was the greater because so many sections of the community were officially represented to do honor., to the distinguished visitor. Mr Barr’s t< r of New Zealand was being conducted by a committee representative of the P-csby-terian Church, the Labour Party, the New Zealand Alliance, and the Council of Scottish Societies, which bodies represented a very large and inf. e. ial section of Dunedin citizens. — (-Applause.) Although this was essentially a Scottish community, they did not often have the pleasure of receiving prominent Scot men as visitors; therefore, in addition to the pleasure which they always experienced in meeting visitors from Home, on this occasion they were privileged to receive a gentleman who not only occupied a very prominent position in his home town of Glasgow, but one whom they could with confidence term a true representative of Great Britain. — (Applause.) In a life of sustained activity, devoied to the service of the public. Mr Barr displayed a wonderful versatility. After a brilliant career at Glasgow University, he had risen to a high place in the United Free Church of Scotland. His ministry in Glasgow had been singularly successful, and he was home mission secretary for the church for five years—l92o to 1925. For eleven years he was a member of the Glasgow School Board, and topped the poll three times in succession.— (Applause.) He served for three years on the Royal Commission, which investigated the housing of the indust ial population of Scotland, and he was elect al member of Parliament in the Labour interest for of constituency of Motherwell in October, 1924.— (Applause.) These facts were evident that day in that lie had associated with him representatives of so many sections of the community. As a

minister of the Gospel, an educationist, a parliamentarian, and lecturer, Mr Barr's visit was calculated to make a wide appeal, and in particular to the supporters of the Prohibition movement. (Applause.) He felt, however, that perhaps the widest aspect of Mr Barr's visit was in relation to the Scottish settlement of Otago. The United Free Church of Scotland undertook the settlement of Otago, and the pioneers, to whom all owed so much, were under the direct care and leadership of the church. Perhaps in these days they were apt to forget the debt which, as | a province, they owed to the early Presby- j terians, but it was abundantly apparent that the solid foundation upon which the settlement of Otago was laid was largely due to the fact that its founders were men of rare pioneering merit, actuated by sound religious principles, and upheld by their common faith. —(Applause.) They welcomed Mr Barr as a link with the past, no less than as an exponent of the more modern movements which were to-day shaping the destiny of the nation. It might be thought that the temporary mingling of the Scottish Society with the New Zealand Alliance had its humorous side, but certainly the fraternity of Church and Labour in participating in this re caption must make for good citizenship. —(Applause.) He extended to Mr Barr a cordial and sincere welcome to Dunedin and he esteemed it a privilege to preside over such a representative gathering. He trusted their visitor’s brief stay would be in every way pleasant, and he believed that a genuine treat was in store for those who would be privileged to hear his lecture.—(Applause.) The Rev. Tulloch Yuille (representing the Presbyterian Church), Mr H. S. Adams (on behalf of the representatives in Dunedin of the New Zealand Alliance), Mr J. S. Douglas (president of the Council of Scottish Societies in Dunedin), and Mr M. Silverstone (for the Labour Party in Dunedin) extended welcomes on behalf of their respective organisations. Mr M. Silverstone extended a- welcome to Mr Barr from the Labour Party in Dunedin. Mr Barr belonged to the greatest movement of modern days—a movement that was attracting to it the keenest intellects in the world. Why ? Because the people, men and women, were coming to realise that it was a movement that would make for national unity and national peace. Mr Barr had espoused the cause’ of the workers in general and of those of England and Scotland in particular. No man could take an interest in the life of a nation and work among its

people without realising that before true progress could be made in the uplift of humanity the working class must be given economic freedom and the rights that ought to belong to every man and

every woman in the world.—(Applause.) The Rev. Mr Barr, on rising to reply, was received with unanimous applause. Ho thanked the Mayor for the reception accorded to him, and he thanked the meeting for endorsing the Mayor’s kind words to him. In his address, the Mayor had mentioned the nexus between Church and labour, and he (Mr Barr) was glad to think that all the churches were realising their mission in that regard. One of the most informative productions on the matter was the booklet issued in 1917 by the bishops and the archbishops of the Church of England—a mine of historical information as to the relations of Church and State, especially in regard to labour movements and social questions. It also presented a far-reach-ing scheme of reform, and it set forth, in the most distinct language, that co-opera-tion for mutual benefit, and not competition for private gain, should be the end and aim of the industrial system. —(Applause.) During the general strike they in the Labour Party were greatly rejoiced by the intervention and the pronouncements of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and, later on, it was his (Mr Barr’s) privilege to draw up a testimonial thanking

him for what he had done. With the Church of England acting in that way, the other churches, and not least of all the Presbyterian Church, were not likely to be far behind. They were also greatly rejoiced by the action taken during the general strike by the Presbyterian Church of England, which came to a resolution that the first charge of England should be the provision of a living wage for the workers in industry and' that the then ruling wage was far from adequate in many callings, including that of the miner.

In regard to doubts anyone might have as to whether he was doing right in stepping on to the political platform, many of his friends told him that he was making a mistake and that he was going to a lower platform. He began to see, however, that he was standing on a platform that was on the same level, for, whatever the platform, whether of Church or State, it was just as high or as low as the occupant made it.—(Applause.) It was his privilege to preach the Gospel from pulpits everv Sabbath as opportunity offered and therein he felt that he had not left the mission of the church, and that, while the purpose might be broader, he was still engaged in the same great work and was labouring in another sphere until the laws of Christ became the laws and the

precepts of the State.—(Applause.) He was pleased to receive a welcome from the New Zealand Alliance. The gentleman who spoke had said the people at Home were fighting for the power of the veto, or for local option, but in making that remark he perhaps did not distinguish sufficiently between England and Scotland. Scotland led the way in many things, and while its Act was not as satisfactory as some would like it to be they had 30 areas dry by the popular vote to-day.—(Applause.) The position in England was more difficult, but he was glad to say that the Scottish mem- ' hers of the party to which he belonged had taken a strong stand on the matter, and for eight years in succession the Scottish Divisional Council of the Independent Labour Party had passed resolutions in favour of the prohibition of the liquor traffic, declaring that the traffic was a menace to the human race

and an insidious factor in social degradation.—(Applause.) The words uttered bv Mr Silverstone were very pleasing to him. In regard to the Labour Party at Home, he thought the people in this Dominion were at a disadvantage in seeing here and there in the press a few sayings by extreme mem- I bers or savings taken out of their con- | text. The reader did not known the I man who used the words, or perhaps took | him too seriously, and what he had actually said was better understood in the Old Country than it was here. Fundamentally and throughout. the Labour Party was a constitutional party seeking a better state of things by the power of the ballot, and by that alone. They excluded the Communist two years ago> not because the Communists believed in sharing in common the good things af this life—because the Labour Partv also believed in that—but because they had an idea that that end was to be accomplished by violence, and to that the Labour Party was opposed. —(Applause.) He was one 'of those who sought pacific methods not only in the settlement of labour disputes but in the settlement of international disputes as well. —(Applause.) He was the more entitled to speak in that way because he knew the sorrow of losing a son in the war. He would like then that, thev should all rally round the League of Nations, and by that pacific means bring an end to every great evil that afflicted the human race.—(Applause.) . Mr Barr mentioned some interesting facts respecting Glasgow, such as its falling death-rate and its provision for municipal schemes for the benefit of the I people. Ho again expressed his appreciation of the hearty welcome given to him.

and closed by reciting Robert Gilfilan s poem expressing an exile’s futile craving for a return to his native land. He resumed his seat amid the heartiest applause. . . . The meeting closed with the singing of the National Anthem. Subsequently, Mr Barr met a number of friends, some of whom he had been acquainted with in Glasgow years ago

“ SCOTLAND IN SONG. STORY. AND

SCENERY.”

“Scotland in Song, Story, and Scenery’ was the title of a splendid lecture by the Rev. Mr Barr at His Majesty’s Theatre on Friday evening before a very large audience. Dlr J. S. Douglas, president of the Council of Scottish Societies in Dunedin, occupied the chair, and introduced Mr Barr as one of the foremost statesmen and orators of the Homeland and a man with a deep love for Scottish literature. Mr Barr’s address was most enjoyable, and the accompanying • scenes, which were thrown on a large screen, were looked upon not only with interest, but with delight. Mr Barr is himself an exceptionally fine interpreter of the songs and poetry of Scotland, with a voice that is strong, clear, and sympathetic. The Pipe Band opened the entertainment with a selection. and during the evening vocal contributions were given by Miss Lillian M'Donald (“Cornin’ Through the Rye’’ and “Christina’s Lament’’) and Dlr W. IT. Mackenzie (“Sound the Pibroch’’ and “The Border Ballad”), Mrs Newey acting as accompanist.

ADDRESS ON THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC

On Sunday afternoon, at 3 o’clock, the Rev. James Barr, of Scotland, addressed a large public meeting, under the auspices of the New Zealand Alliance, Otago area, in the Octagon Hall, on the subject of “ Scotland and the World Fight Against the Liquor Traffic.”

Air J. B. Shacklock, who presided, said that people in the Dominion did not hear much about the prohibition campaign in Scotland, but that afternoon they had with them one who could give first-hand information on the matter. The Rev. Air Barr, who spoke for an hour, said the temperance movement in Scotland went far back, if one counted spasmodic efforts. The first temperance society was formed about 1700. Four times in Great Britain and twice in Ireland the distilleries were closed in times of scarcity, in order that the grain might be given to the great purpose of feeding the people. The longest period of closing was _two years nine months, commencing in 1757. Smollett, in his history of the period, told how petitions flooded in from

different parts asking for an extension of the period, and he summed up his remarks in this way: that the results were such as to not only justify the temporary closing of the distilleries, but also their closing for all time.— (Applause.) In Leadhills, in the uplands of Lanarkshire, there was founded a society of protest against the opening of the distilleries — the opening again, as a writer worded it, “ of the mouths of these destroying vultures.” The next great movement took place about 1829. In those days when a man took a pledge to abstain he did not take it for life, but for a month or two — to see how he would get on, or to see how his health would stand it —(laughter) —and it was a pledge to abstain not from all spirits but from distilled spirits. In Glasgow, John Dunlop founded a temperance society, and at his address, though Glasgo’ was even then a large city, there was only one minister present. In Glasgow to-day they had three wards ‘dry” by popular vote, and if the people had had the opportunity of determining the issue by the bare majority every one of the eight wards would have been dry. — (Applause.) Within the last two years the Corporation of Glasgow had resolved that henceforth no intoxicating liquor would be furnished at any corporation banquet or in connection with any civic function.— (Applause.) Attempts had been made to upset the resolution, with increasing majorities every time in favour of the resolution. The last occasion was on the visit of the colonial Premiers, when the Banqueting Committee recommended that “on this occasion they should suspend the rules and provide intoxicating liquors,” and the Glasgow Herald came out with a leading article, saying " it was surely a very poor compliment to pay to the Premiers that they could not enjoy a banquet without the rules of the city being broken.” and the council decided to abide by the resolution.— (Applause.)

Another opinion held in early days was that the public-house was a permanent institution. It was doubted by some people I whether anything would be gained by its removal, and the only thing to do, they said, was to prevent man from entering it. M el), he was far from undermining the value of moral suasion, because he believed that in that way in the end thev would win their victory. But it was carried in those days to an extreme, j About 1850 a minister of religion went the length of saying that, even if they did close up the public-houses, he doubted whether it would have any moral value. The man sober, because he could not get drink, was no better, he said, than a drunkard; indeed, he pitied him more in his condition of compulsory sobriety than in his former state of voluntary drunkenness. That was tho position to some extent of the Church at that time. But sometime Parliament stepped right in front of the Church and of temperance societies and did a noble and bold thing, and in Scotland, on August 15, 1853, Parliament passed the Forbes-Mackenzie Act, ordaining complete Sunday closing for the whole of Scotland.—(Applause.) Then, on August 15, 1913, another Act was passed in Scotland, under which, in order to carry no-lieense, 55 per cent, majority was required. The temperance workers resolved to make the most they could of this Act, and in 1920 the parties had their first trial of strength. On that occasion there voted for no change 704,022 people; for limitation (reducing the number of public-houses to three-fourths of their number), 19,388; and for no license, 451,351. In other words, 59.3 per cent, of the people

voted for no change, 1.64 for limitation, and 38.4 for no-license. At the second trial, “ three years ago, the temperance party went back a little—to 37.3 per cent. —but the returns last autumn showed that it was regaining some of the ground. Every great movement had its ebb and flow, and in Scotland they were praying and working for the incoming of the tide, I the great on-rushing tide of spiritual revival, the irresistible tide of enlightened democracy that would bear them on until thev won their port.—(Applause.)

“CHRISTIANITY AND THE LABOUR AIOYEAIENT.”

On Sunday evening there was a large attendance in the Octagon Hal] to hear an address by the Rev. Air Barr on “Christianity and the Labour Movement.” the address' being given under the auspices of the Otago Labour Party. Air Al. Silverstone, president of the Labour Representation Committee, occupied the chair. The Rev. Air Barr said the desire ot the Labour Party was that labour, working through capital, should be the means of production of wealth. They did not want capital to be abolished, but they did want it to cease to be the monopoly of the few. He proceeded to deal with the laud policy, and said that if the land laws of ancient Israel had been adhered to we should have been saved many troubles, such as the Highland clearances, which had been condemned even by such a strict Conservative as Sir Walter Scott. This involved another principle of Labour, which was that production, distribution, and exchange should not be used primarily for profit, but for human uplift and advancement. If this had been followed there would never have been the clearances. R -'erring to the dole system, he said there was generally a wrong conception of the payment, which was in reality nothing more than an insurance fund, to which contributions were made by the employees, the employers, and the State. There was very little abuse of the fund, and indeed abuse or fraud to any extent was impossible. He admitted that there was deterioration of character in

prolonged cases of unemployment, but contended that the great majority of working men at present unemployed really wanted work. While he justified, the dole, he did not claim that it was the remedy for unemployment. The Labour Party wanted to set up in the House of Commons a permanent Committee, independent of governments, which would provide schemes of work. It was the duty of men to work, but there was also the duty of providing work. The Labour Party wanted a living wage, and they wanted an eight-hour day in all industries. The keynote of all justice in industrial affairs was sympathy with the working people and their conditions. He went on to speak at some length on the conditions of the coal miner in Great Britain.

In Great Britain the Labour Party held more advanced views on education than any other system. At one time all attention was focussed on the “ ladder ” whereby the lad of parts could rise to eminence in the land, but now they thought that the first care of the teacher should be towards those who were backward. whether physically or mentally. The Scottish Labour J ’arty also stood for advanced temperance ideas, though these had not yet been adopted by the party in England. Although they were in favour of the nationalisation of the main staples of production, and public utilities, they did not want the nationalisation of the liquor traffic, which they regarded as a “ public iniquity.” They wanted, quite frankly, to see a new social order established, and thought that the existence of the liquor traffic would poison this at its very roots.

It could be shown that Christian principles had wrought many moral reforms through the ages, and Labour was trying to continue with this. He had been asked if he really believed in immortality, and his reply was that he did. and that he thought that the best way to convince people of a heaven in the next life was to try to give them a bit more heaven in this.