H. G. WELLS AS A POLITICIAN

Otago Witness, Issue 3590, 2 January 1923, Page 25

H. G. WELLS AS A POLITICIAN

INTELLECTUAL LABOUR PARTY. __ # EUROPE SINKING RAPIDLY. Mr H. G. Wells as a parliamentary can-, didate is not to be taken too seriously. Nevertheless, it is only natural that hiis speeches should create some interest. In his election address as labour candidate for the University of London he said that if he is returned he hopes to be closely associated with the labour Party in the House. Whether the Labour members will welcome this assooiatign is another question. “Necessarily the labour Party in a uni-! vorsity," he said, “differs widely in charaoter from the vulgar conception of a purely working-class organisation, devoted exclusively to (he immediate interests of people! ill receipt of daily or weekly wages. If ever the Labour Party answered to that description it has long since developed beyond it.” Tlie candidate describes Labour’s policy as one of “steady, watchfill, generous, comprehensive, scientific reorganisation, am id the strained, shattered, wasteful, and lifedestroying confusion in which we live to-, day.” ONLY PARTY TO FACE REALITIES. The civilised organisation of Europe, n* said, was sinking very rapidly. For all they could tell, it might lie dying. What were the parties led by Air Bonar Law, Mr Lloyd George, and Mr Asquith doing for this stricken and sinking European system! Nothing effectual was being dene. Europe was one economical situation, and it would be saved or destroyed altogether. Mr Lloyd George was popping about like a bird, but he had evaded this question of rational and international finance. Mr Bonar Law had also evaded it, but his evasions were not birdlike. He was more like the earth worm. Mr Bonar Law had beautiful ideals about going hack to 1913 and 1914, but he might just as well talk about 1056. Mr Asquith talked of economy; not about debts. Our whole civilisation was insolvent, and Mr Asquith thought we should be careful with our stamps and our stationery. The Labour Party was the only party with a real sense of obligation to the commonwealth and the only party which had the intellectual and moral courage to face realities. He was a new' adherent lo that party. He hid always been a Socialist, but he had not been a. party politician. He was a sober, middleaged man, w'ith a little stake in the country, and he could not conceive himself engaging in any political activities in support of the gav Lord Birkenhead, the superficial boyishness of Mr Winston Churchill, the statuesque indolence of Lord Grey, or the nothingness of Mr Bonar Law. lie felt too old and serious a person to join in those political games. He felt young, however, when he turned to his leaders, Mr Henderson and Mr Clynes, whom he called the sobersides. CAPITAL LEVY. They heard a great deal alxuit the capital levy. He thought the'term capital levy was a most unfortunate one. lie wished he had joined the Labour Party sooner and had had a voice in the matter. ( .ipital was a most ambiguous term. He washed he could hypnotise the world so *b ;| t it would not use the word ‘-capital, but substitute some other phraseology. Capital might mean anything, from a debt to a piece of machinery which was essential for purposes of production. The other political parties had no proposal lo max* W'ith regard to the problem of our i.obl. The election was being fought very largely on a clamorous misrepresentation about the capital levy. What was this levy on large fortunes? It was not to be an indiscruumating charge. It was not to lie imposed on industrial activity. It was a tax oil jndividuals purely; a tax on inflated private fortunes, and would fall very largely oil lortunes inflated during tlie course of the war. These great elements of adventurous wealth would bo an unmitigated nuisance in our national life and called for tile comb. Nearly all these large and new fortunes were in the hands of irresoonsible men. who had no tradition of good public behaviour. In many cases they had no experience in the conduct of honest industry, and had no knowledge of economic realities. 1u« Labour Party had no quarrel with busu.es* run for a fair profit. . Mr Wells declares himself a firm believer in world controls in international affairs and thinks that the-present. 1-eague of Nations has neither the prestige nor the authority to handle the greater issues. “Along that line of international development,” he says, “the Labour Parly presses. Unless you support the Labour Party m that steady progress of learning, organisation an 1 pacification, you must countenance either the dangerous British ascendancy’ dreams of Lord Curzon and the lories the reckless adventurousness of Mr Winston Churchill, the mysterious manoeuvres of Mr Lloyd George, or the antiquated massive unteachableness of Mr Asquith and v tocount Grey.” THE DEPTH OF PESSIMISM. At another meeting Mr Wells excelled in his pessimistic prophecy. He slid hi* vision was of a -worse rather than of a better world. He had the conviction that things were going from bad to worse in Europe and the world generally, and they were onlv beginning to realise the state of the world’s affairs to-day. He bad seen modern civilisation broken down :rt Russia and the process of collapse had already spread into Austria-Hungary and Poland. It was coming further and further west. To-day they could see the process of collapse laying its hands upon Germany, and the outward visible sign of the creeping death of modern civilisation was the collapse of the currency system. He did not know how many of Europe’s surplus population were not already marked bv fate for misery, starvation, and death.