IRELAND'S DESTINY.

Otago Witness, Issue 3519, 23 August 1921, Page 15

IRELAND'S DESTINY.

GOVERNMENT PROPOSALS REJECTED. SUMMARY OF NEGOTIATIONS. BRITISH PROPOSALS OUTLINED. LONDON, August 14. Downing street to-day published a summary of the negotiations with Mr De Valera. The British proposals, dated July 20, express the earnest desire of the British Government to end the unhappy divisions and to promote the movement for a satisfactory solution. The Government is convinced that the Irish people may find it as worthy of a complete expression of their political and spiritual ideals within the Empire as any of the numerous and varied nations which are united in allegiance to his Majesty's Throne. The Government desires such a consummation, not only for the welfare of Great Britain, but for Ireland and the Empire ; also for the cause of world peace and harmony. In reference to racial differences, the British people cannot believe that where Canada and South Africa succeeded lieland should fail. The Government invites Ireland to take a place in the great association of free nations over which his Majesty reigns. As an earnest of the Government’s desire to obliterate old quarrels and to enable Ireland to face the future in her own strength, it proposes that Ireland shall assume forthwith the status of a dominion, enjoying complete autonomy in taxation and finance. She shall maintain her own courts of law, her judges, constabulary, and police, and take over the Irish postal services and all matters relating to education, land, agriculture, mines, minerals, forestry, labour, unemployment, transport, trade, public health, insurance, and the liquor traffic. She shall exercise all the powers and privileges upon which the autonomy of the self-governing dominions is based. _ She shall be guaranteed in these liberties, which no foreign people can challenge without challenging the Empire, her position being that which the dominions hold by virtue of their British fellowship. Her standing among the nations will be equivalent to the combined power and influence of all the nations in the commonwealth. That guarantee, that fellowship, that freedom which the Empire looks lo Ireland to accept, the British Government- is preto give immediate effect to upon the following conditions, which in its opinion are vital to the welfare and safety of Great Britain and Ireland : First, the common concern of Great Britain and Ireland in the defence interests on land and sea shall mutually be recognised. Great Britain lives on her seaborne food. Her communications depend on the freedom of the great sea routes. Ireland lies across these seaways. In recognition of this fact, which Nature imposed and which no statesmanship can alter, it is essential that the Royal Navy alone should control the seas around Ireland and Great Britain. Such rights and liberties shall be accorded by the Irish State as are essential for naval purposes. Secondly, in order not to hamper the movement- towards disarmament, tne Irish Territorial Force shall within reasonable limits conform in respect to numbers to the military establishments in other -parts. Thirdly, Great Britain to have all the necessary facilities for the development of defence and communications by air. Fourthly, Great Britain hopes that Ireland in due course and of her own free ■will w ill contribute a proportion of her wealth to the regular, naval military, and air forces of the Empire. Further' it is assumed that voluntary recruiting will he permitted throughout Ireland, particularly for the famous Irish regiments. Fifthly, the British and Irish Governments shall agree to impose no protective duties or other restrictions upon the flow of transport-, trade, and commerce. Sixthly, the Irish people shall agree to resume the responsioilitv for their share of the present debt to the United Kingdom and their liability for pensions arising out of the great war. The British Government proposes that the conditions of settlement shall be embodied in the form of a treaty, and it looks to such an instrument to "obliterate the old conflicts and forthwith to clear the way to a detailed settlement in full accords]: *e with Irish conditions and needs. The form which the settlement shall take depends on Ireland herself. It must allow for a full recognition of the existing powers and privileges of the Parliament and Government of Northern Ireland, which cannot be abrogated except by their own consent Union came to Canada bv the free consent of the provinces and so with Australia and South Africa.’ It will come to Ireland in no other way than by consent. The British Government will undertake to give effect to any terms in this respect on which all Ireland i.s united. In no condition can Great Britain consent to any proposals which will kindle civil war in Ireland. Throughout the Kmpire there is a deep desire that the day of violence shall pass, and that a solution shall he found consonant with the highest ideals and interests of all narts of Ireland which will enable her to co-operate as a willing partner in the British Commonwealth. The British Government therefore leaves Irishmen themselves t , determine bv negotiation whether the new powers shall ha taken over by Ireland as a. whole or separately bv Southern and Northern Ireland. By these proposals the British Government sincerely believes that it has shattered the foundations of that ancient hatred and distrust which have disfigured our history for centuries past. The future of Ireland is within tile commonwealth It is for the Irish people to share in its

forging. The British Government has attempted no more than a broad outline of a settlement. The details it leaves to discussion when th-o Irish people have signified their acceptance of the fact. MR DE VALERA’S REPLY. BRITISH PROPOSALS UNACCEPTABLE. CLAIM FOR SEPARATE NATIONHOOD. LONDON, August 14. Official: Mr De Valera’s letter to Mr [ Lloyd George asserts that the British pro- ‘ posals are such as the Irish people could not accept. He claimed to negotiate with Great Britain as a separate foreign Power. Mr Lloyd George, in reply, declined to discuss the question in public or to refer file matter to the arbitrament of a foreign Power. j The text of Air De Valera’s letter states : After consulting my colleagues, they confirm my declaration that the British proposals are such as the Bail Eireann could not and the Irish people would not accept. We do not contemplate the use of force towards Ulster. If the British Government stands aside we can effect a complete reconciliation. I cannot admit the British right to mutilate our country. We are ready to meet you in all that is reasonable and just. We have no conditions to impose and no claims, but that we shall bo freed from aggression. Ireland's right to choose the path which she shall take to realise her destiny must be accepted as indisputable. It is mine and my colleagues’ con viction that true friendship towards England, which military coercion has frustrated for centuries, can be obtained readily through an amicable but absolute separation. ! Air De AWlera’s letter points out that the outline given in the draft of July . 20 is solf-contradictory, and the principle lof the pact is not easy- to determine. He continued: “We appreciate and accept it so far as it implies recognition of Ireland’s separate nationhood and the right of self-determination; but in the stipulai tions and express conditions concerning vital matters this principle is strangely set aside. Claims are advanced by the j British Government to interfere in Irish • affairs, claims which we cannot admit. Ireland’s right to choose her own path towards her destiny, which has been maintained through centuries of oppression and at a cost of unparalleled sacrifice and suffering, we will not surrender to Great Britain or to any- other foreign State, i The Irish people believe that their national destiny will be best realised by political detachment, free of Imperialistic entanglements. Ireland, like the small" States of Europe, is prepared to hazard her independence on the basis of moral right, confident that as she would threaten no nation her people would be free from aggression themselves. This policy the Irish have declared in plebiscite after plebiscite. “All treaties and agreements would have to be ratified first by the National Legislature and subsequently by the Irish people under circumstances of free decision, from which military compulsion would be absent. We would be prepared to leave the question of Ireland’s liabilitv for its share of the present debt to the United Kingdom to a board of arbitrators, one to be appointed by Ireland, one by Great I Britain, and a third to be chosen by agreement, or in default to be nominated, say, by the American President. Regarding the question at issue between the political and military and a great majority of the Irish people, that must remain a question for the Irish people themselves to settle. We cannot admit the right of tile British Government to mutilate our counj try, either in its own interests or at the* call of any section of our population. \\ e |do not contemplate the use of force. If | your Government stands aside we can ' effect a complete reconciliation. We are | willing for this question to be submitted !to external arbitration; we are ready to I meet you in all that is reasonable and ‘just. | The responsibility for initiating and efifcctj ing an honourable peace rests primarily :on your Government. We have no condi- ; tions to impose and no claims but one—that we be free from aggression. “Everyone who understands the eondi- : tions knows that a dominion status for ' Ireland would be illusory. The freedom I which the British dominions enjoy is not so much the result of legal enactments and i treaties as the immense distances senaratj ing them from Great Britain, making interference by Great Britain impracticable. : The most explicit guarantees, including the I dominions’ acknowledged l ight to secede would he necessary to secure'to Ireland an equal degree of freedom. There is no | suggestion in your proposal of any such guarantees. Instead, the natural position Is reversed. Our geographical situation in respect to Great Britain is made the basis of restrictions unheard of in the case of the dominions. The smaller island must give military safeguards and guarantees to the larger island, and suffer itself to he 1 reduced to a position of helpless depend- ; eney. It is obvious that we eoul '1 not j urge our people to accept such proposals. ! A certain treaty of free association with the British Commonwealth group as with | a partial League of Nations we would bo j ready to recommend, negotiate, and take | responsibility for. If we had the assuri anco that the entry of tlie nation as a ! whole into such an association would i secure for it the allegiance of the present j dissenting minority, treaties for free inter 1 ! trade, mutual limitation of armaments ! agreements facilitating air. railway, and ' other communications could ho effected, . and no obstacle would be placed in the wav of that smooth commercial intercourse which is essential to both islands.”

iJiUME MINISTER’S REPLY. ALLEGIANCE TO KING INSISTED UPON. LONDON, August 14. Mr Lloyd George’s reply to Mr De Valera expresses a desire to make the position absolutely clear. He says: “In our opinion nothing can be gained by prolonging the discussion on the national status which you are willing to accept compared with that of the self-governing dominions. I must direct your attention to one point which you emphasise on which no British Government can compromise—namely, that we should acknowledge the right of Ireland to secede from allegiance to the King. No such right can ever be acknowledged by us. The geographical propinquity of Ireland is a fundamental fact, and the history of the two islands for many centuries, however it may be read, is sufficient proof that their destinies are indissolubly linked. Great numbers in all the Irish provinces aro profoundly attached to the Throne. These facts permit of one answer arid one only, to the claim that Great Britain should negotiate with Ireland as a sepa- I rate and foreign Power. When you as j the chosen representative oF Irish national i ideals came to speak, I made one condi- i tion only, to the effect that Ireland should j recognise the force of the geographical j ar.d historical facts. Those facts govern the problem of British and Irish relations. I pass, therefore, to the conditions imposed by those facts. There is no need to restate them here, except to say that the British Government cannot consent to the reference of any such question which concerns Great Britain and Ireland alone to the arbitration of a foreign Power. I am profoundly glad to have your agreement that Northern Ireland cannot be coerced. This point is of great importance, because the resolve of our people to resist to their full power any attempt at secession of one part of Ireland carries of necessity an equal resolve to resist any effprt to coerce any other part of Ireland. I gladly give the assurance that I will concur in any settlement that Southern and Northern Ireland mav make for Irish unity within the six conditions laid down. These conditions contain no derogation of Ireland’s status as a dominion. There is no desire for British ascendancy and no impairment of Ireland’s national ideals, but they offer to the Irish people an opportunity sucli as never dawned before, and tbev are made in an earnest desire for peace; but beyond them I cannot go.” NEWS PA PER COMMENT. LONDON, August 14. The English newspapers generally agree that Air Lloyd George’s offer marks the limits of the concessions to which the Government is prepared to go. They express profound disappointment at Air De Valera’s reply, regarding it as tantamount to a refusal. The Times sees a gleam of hope in the tone in which the reply is couched, and says in substance that it is a refusal but a reasoned refusal, which seems deliberately to avoid any final rupture. The paper adds: “Since Air De Valera’s return to Ireland extremist counsels apparently have prevailed, inducing the leaders to put forward their view.” RESENTAIENT IN SINN FEIN CIRCLES. LONDON, August 14. The publicity department of the Dail Eireann issues a statement that Air De Valera does not believe General Smuts would have authorised the publication of his letter without- the president’s consent, which was not given. The letter should certainly not have been published without- the full communications which passed between the British and Irish Governments. General Smuts simpiv summarises his own views, which are not justified by the British proposals. General k'muts’s letter caused a great sensation among the public of Ireland ( and caused keen resentment in Sinn Fein circles, which regard the publication as a breach of confidence. SIR .7 A AIKS CRAIG’S ATTITUDE. LONDON, August 14. Sir James Craig writes to Air I.lovd George as follows: “In order that you may correctly understand the attitude we propose to adopt ft is necessary to remind you of the sacrifice we recently made. In agreeing to self-government and consenting to the establishment of a Parliament for Northern Ireland, it was much against our wish, but in the interests of peace we accepted this as a final settlement of a long outstanding difficulty confronting Great Britain. We are now engaged in ratifying our part of the bargain, while the Irishmen outside the northern area have chosen to repudiate the Government of Ireland and press Great Britain for greater powers. To join in such pressure is repugnant to the people of Northern Ireland and in the further interests of peace we decline to interfere with the terms made between Great Britain and tlie south of Ireland. It cannot then be said that Ulster blocks the way. Our acceptance of your original invitation to meet in a conference holds good. If our assistance be again desired we are available, but T am bound to acquaint you with the fact that a meeting is impossible between Air De Valera and myself until he recognises that Northern Ireland will not submit to any authority other than that of the King and the Parliament of the United Kingdom, and until he admits the sanctity of the existing powers and privileges of the parliament and the government of Northern Ireland. Pence is as earnestly desired bv Imy Government as by yours. We have nothing left to give away. We are prepared when you and Air De Valera arrive at a satisfactory settlement to cooperate with the south on equal terms for the future welfare of our common country.”

IRISH PRESS COAIAIENTS. LONDON, August 15. The Irish Independent, commenting on the settlement proposals, says : “It would be tragic if the negotiations were broken off. We still strongly hope that there will be a satisfactory settlement. There are three militarists who are anxious to prevent a peaceable settlement. They should not be allowed to have their way. The prospect for Ireland is appalling if intensified warfare is to be resumed.” The Irish News says: “The British Government planned the publication of General Smuts’s letter as a prelude to the publication of all the correspondence, so that the Irishmen who are summoned to the Dublin Mansion House this week will be. -confronted with a problem of enormous difficulty, and will be compelled immediately to take on their shoulders the tremendous responsibility of determining the question of peace or; war without further negotiation.” The Cork Examiner says : “It must be borne in mind that the terms offered for Southern Ireland are infinitely better than those which Ulster obtained under the j Partition Act, and there seems a possij bility of making an even better settlement than that which has been outlined.” The Belfast Telegraph says : “ The GovI eminent lias been magnanimous to the I point of folly. Ireland will be insane to the point of criminality if she rejects the terms. Sinn Fein’s proposals, if carried out, would mean immediate civil war.” The paper describes the foreign arbitration proposal as an outrageous insult. The Northern Whig says: “The terms offered to the Sinn Feiners would bring about the disintegration of the Empire. Great Britain’s bitterest enemy could not ask for easier methods of bringing about lier destruction than what Air Lloyd George has offered. The way in which Air De Valera writes about peace is sickening. Perhaps lie imagines that if he murders a few hundred more policemen and soldiers Air Lloyd George will grant him the right to secede ; but the British Government that agreed to secession would have a short life. The rebels may take what is offered or compel tlie Government to undertake the reconquest of the West and South. The Government will undertake this duty reluctantly, but it will discharge it completely and finally or else it will have to make way for a Government which will give more adequate expression to the will of the British people.” Ihe Alaneliester Guardian says: “ Tlie choice rests with Ireland. All her best friends and her most resolute opponents hope that she will not close the door to pence.” The Daily News refuses to believe that the Irish people will allow the present golden opportunity to be lost. The Daily Herald (Labour) says: “The Government has been driven bv sheer weight of public opinion to concede to Ireland a big portion of what she demands and intends to stand by. Whatever decision is arrived at bv the Irish people, it is their right and responsibility to make the decision alone. NEW YORK PRESS VIEWS. N EW YORK, August 15. The New \ork Globe and the New York Post agree that Air Lloyd George’s offer is generous, and that a serious responsibility devolves upon Air De A r alera if he recklessly prevents peace by clinging to unreasonable demands. The Post says: “It is within the power of the Sinn Fein leaders to win for Ireland a position so legally and morally impregnable as to satisfy "the full aspirations of the Irish people. To permit agelong animosity to frustrate them would be an act of wanton recklessness.” The Globe considers that the offer is tlie best conceivable. It believes that Air Lloyd George honestly attempted to solve the problem. If the Republicans refuse the offer they cannot say as much for themselves. LIAJIT OF CONCESSION'S. LONDON. August 16. 'lhe limes lobbyist- says : “Members are unanimous that the Government lias gone to the limit of its concessions.” Well-informed persons in close touch with the Sinn Fein and the South of Ire land interpret Mr De Valera’s statement that the Dail Eireann could not, and the Irish people would not, accept Mr Lloyd George’s proposals as an indication that th.e ultimate recommendation of the Sinn Fein Cabinet to the Dail Eireann will be a referendum of flic people, not a rejection of the terms. Any rejection, with the possible renewal of hostilities, would undoubtedly lead to a general election in England in which the Government would appeal to the electors for unchallengeable authority to resist the separatist move rnent in Ireland. The Dublin correspondent of The Times states that the general feeling in Dublin is that an agreement will eventually bo reached. IRISH REBELS. LONDON, August 15. Air Lloyd George, replying to questions in the House of Commons, said that- an amnesty would not be granted to any person in Ireland. Tlie release of members of the Dail Eireann was no precedent for other releases. DAIL EIREANN IN SESSION. AIR DE VALERA'S OPENING SPEECH LONDON, August 16. Despite a downpour of rain enormous crowds waited outside the Dublin .Mansion House for tlie opening of the Dail Eireann. Traffic was suspended. Large contingents of the Irish republican armv held the streets for a radius of one hundred yards. As the members of the Dail Eireann entered the Chamber, the oath pledging allegiance to the Free Irish State was°a<L u ministered.

Air John APNeill was elected Speaker. The Dail Eireann oath is as follows: “I solemnly swear (or affirm) that I do not and shall not yield a voluntary support tb any pretended Government, authority, ov power within Ireland inimical thereto; further, that to the best of my knowledge and ability I will support and defend the Irish Republic and the Irish Republic’s Government, which is the Dail Eireann, against all enemies, foreign, or domestic; and that I bear true allegiance to the Irish Republic. I take this obligation freely and without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion.” The Dail Eireann assembled in the room of the Alansion House where Parnell made some of his great orations for Irish freedom. Parnell's portrait hung above tlie Speakers chair. Nearly 2000 persons were present in the galleries, including prominent lawyers, clergymen, medical men, and business men. A Then, the clerk called the names of Sir James Craig and other members of the Ulster Parliament and of Air J. Devlin (Nationalist AI.P.), to which, of course, there was no response, there was derisive laughter on the part of the audience, which was suppressed by the Speaker. Air .Michael Collins (Chief of Staff of the Republican army) was the first to sign the roll. He received an ovation. Five ladies and one Englishman (Air Erskine Childers) took the oath. AIR DE VALERA’S SPEECH. Air Do Valera, in a lengthy speech, reiterated Ireland’s claim to separation from Great Britain. He said that the only Government which the people recognised was the Dail Eireann Alinistry. He would report on the negotiations with, the Government, and the proposed reply would he discussed in a private session. He understood that it was the intention of the British Government to make that reply an issue between peace and war; hence the first discussion would be held privately, and when ready for despatch there would be another public session. Continuing, Air De Valera said that ha did fiot say the people had been given a plebiscite for a Republican Government so much as for Irish freedom and independence, and hence an Irish Republic as such was sanctioned by tha will of the people and their representatives. They had solemnly declared for the nation's independence, for which they would give their lives if necessary to make the people’s will effective. “Only on the basis of the recognition of a Republic can we deal with any foreign Power,” he said. "We stand by that principle, and mean to die for it if necessary.” The British proposals wera not just, and because of that he had sent his reply. Air De Valera, in tlie course of his speech at the opening of the Dail Eireann, said that if Great Britain had recognised the principles which Air Lloyd George laid down during the war relating to tha rights of small nations, there would have been no need for negotiations. It was practically impossible for Irishmen to negotiate with tho British Government. “There cannot be negotiations with man or Government,” said Air De Valera,“when the position is that an unarmed man is facing a man with a pistol at his head. When there is no principle to fall back upon for the regulation and adjustment of differences there is nothing left but force, and in the end, if the British Government does not state definitely some principle, Irishmen will find that at every step they are confronted bv force. Negotiation for Britain only means an opportunity for saving their faces. We will not negotiate to save faces, but to sava bloodshed if possible. We can only negotiate on right and on principle, on the basis of justice. It is not just that a small nation beside a big one should have to give guarantees for the big one’s safety, instead of the big one guaranteeing the little one's safety. Because a big nation alongside a little nation thinks it is necessary for its own advantage, safety, and security to annex the little one, that does not make such annexation principle just. If it did there would soon be no small nations in Europe. There is no justice or right in that.” At the conclusion of Air De Valera's speech the Dail Eireann adjourned till to-morrow. AN OAIINCUS SIGN. LONDON, August 16. Leave lo all soldiers from Ireland has I been cancelled, and they have been ordered to return immediately. Lister troops’ leave has been cancelled. SINN FEIN AIEMBERS OF THE COMMONS. LONDON, August- 17. Of 120 Sinn Fein members of the House of Commons 112 have been imprisoned once, 78 twice, 41 thrice, 18 four times, eight five times, and 15 have been sentenced to death. TERMS CANNOT BE ACCEPTED. DEFINITE STATEMENT BY AIR DE VALERA. LONDON, August 17. Air De Valera, in his address to the Dail Eireann, said that from reports in the British and foreign press there seemed a doubt in tho mind of the world as to his attitude over tho British proposals. There was a doubt as to whether his letter meant acceptance or rejection. “There ought not to be any doubt,” ha said. "We cannot and will not on behalf of Ireland accept the terms. It has been said that Ireland had agreed to accept the status of dominion Home Buie, and that she has been offered it. Ireland was offered no such thing. There is no Ireland, but two broken pieces. God Almighty has placed this island as a unit beside another island. We want to be neighbourly. Wo li ave no enmity to England—at least, if tliis question is settled we believe that there will be none.” Air I)o Valera said that the. Irish question was the problem of a powerful and