NEWS BY CABLE.

Otago Witness, Issue 3511, 28 June 1921, Page 15

NEWS BY CABLE.

EMPIRE PROBLEMS. CONFERENCE OPENS. LIBERTY A GUIDING PRINCIPLE. LONDON, June 20. Great interest was taken in the opening of the conference. Downing street was barricaded against the Sinn Fein menace, but it failed to block the photographers and reporters. The delegates were not anxious to be snapped. General Smuts was the only one to offer facilities. The Ministers present included Mr Chamberlain, Mr Montagu, and Mr Balfour. PRIME MINISTER’S SPEECH. NEED FOR PATIENCE AND WISDOM. LONDON, June 20. At the opening of the conference Mr Lloyd George said : “ I bid you all a hearty welcome to Great Britain and Downing street. Since our last meeting some notable gaps have, occurred in the British Empire Delegation. Sir Robert Borden has laid down the cares of office. By General Botha's death the Empire has sustained a heavy loss. Mr Hughes and Mr Massey are old friends. We three enjoy the unenviable distinction of being the only Pi ime Ministers who ttfok partin the war. I also extend cordial greetings to the Maharajah of Cutch and Sastri, the representatives of the Indian Empire. The conference falls at a time of great stress in England and trouble in many parts of the world. It is inevitable that the nations which put forth colossal efforts and sustained unparalleled losses ir life, limb, and treasure during the wai should feel the consequences of the over strain and exhaustion due to the condition in which the nations of the world have been left by the war. Never aid states manship demand more patience and wisdom. The distress amongst the popula tion was much greater after the Napo • leonie wars than at present, for despite unemployment and labour unrest there is no actual privation amongst the population. The war has produced a condition from which it will take years to recover. GERMAN MENACE PAST. Continuing, Mr Lloyd George said : “In spite of a good deal that is discouraging, I am confident that the world is slowly working through its troubles. Gradually the world is passing through the usual experience of first denying the existence of palpable realities and then settling down to act upon them. A distinctly encouraging feature in the international situation is the fact that there is increasing impatience with those who seek to keep the world in a state of turmoil and tension. There is a deepening conviction that the world must have peace it it is ever to recover its health. Some of the most troublesome and the most menacing problems of peace have either been settled or lire in a fair way towards settlement. Two questions gave great anxiety , —the disarmament of Germany and reparations. The disarmament of Germany may be stated to have been settled. The German fleet has disappeared and so lias the Austrian. The German army has disappeared as a great powerful force. It numbered millions and now numbers little more than IGO,COO. It had tens of thousands of guns and now has a few hundreds. It had an enormous number of machine guns and trench mortars and those have gone. It had millions of riffles. The Germans surrendered 30,000,000 rounds of big ammunition. It is not so much Prussia that is giving us trouble as Bavaria. That difficulty will, I think, be overcome in a very short time. The problem of disarmament which is vital, because so long as Germany had a big army there was no guarantee of peace, will disappear. ‘ No one knows better than Mr Hughes the practical difficulties surrounding the PROBLEM OF REPARATIONS. The question is, how you are to transfer payment from one country and make it in another? As Mr Hughes knows that problem has baffled all the financial experts in Paris, and only after two years have we hit upon an expedient which seems to have given satisfaction to all moderate and practical men in the European countries. That seems to be the view of the dominions. They have a direct concern in it. Germanv has accepted a very practical plan of liquidating her liabilities and France and Italy have acceptc-d it. Public opinion in England has also accepted it. “Ihe two remaining difficulties are (1) the fixation of the boundaries of Poland, partly of Lithuania and now Silesia, and (2) the making of PEACE WITH TURKEY The first essential to peace and reconstruction is that we stand by our treaties. Some grow weary of these great responsibilities and speak as though it is possible to renounce them without injustice to other peoples or detriment to ourselves. I venture to sav that such arguments are as short sighted as they are false. The nations and the peoples of the world realised their interdependence in a measure greater than ever before the war. The League of Nations stands as a witness of their realisation of this truth. No progress can be made- towards the REHABILITATION OF EUROPE or the permanent peace of the world except upon the basis of the acceptance and the enforcement of treaties. There may be relaxations here and there following upon the discovery of new conditions with the consent of all parties, flic TREATIES MUST STAND. No signatory should have the right to override any part of a treaty to which all ■re parties.

Continuing, the Prime Minister said : “ The Empire is bound by honour and interest alike to the treaties which it signed. Unless treaty faith is maintained an era of disorganisation, increasing misery, and smouldering war will continue, and civilisation may very easily be destroyed by the prolongation of that state af things. Lord Curzan, on his return, will give a SURVEY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. I will not anticipate his statement, but should like to refer to the relations of the Empire with the United States and Japan: There is no quarter of the world where we desire more greatly to maintain peace and fairplay for all nations and to avoid competition in armaments than in the Pacific and the Far East. Our alliance with Japan has been a valuable factor in the past. We- have found Japan A FAITHFUL ALLY, who rendered us valuable assistance in ail hour of serious critical need. The Empire will not easily forget that the Japanese men-of-war escorted our transports bringing Australian and New Zealand forces to Europe at the time when German cruisers were still in tl'.e Indian and Pacific Oceans. We desire to preserve that well-tried friendship, and to apply it to the solution of all questions in the Far East where Japan has special interests, and where we ourselves, like the United States, desire equal opportunities and an open door. “Not the least question is the FUTURE OF CHINA, which looks to us, as to the United States, for sympathetic treatment and fairplay. No greater calamity could overtake the world than a further accentuation of the world’s divisions upon lines of race. The Empire has done signal service to humanity by bridging those divisions in the past. The loyalty of the Flings of Asiatic peoples is a proof of this. To depart from that policy, to fail in that duty, would not only greatly increase the dangers of international xvar, it would divide the British Empire against itself. Our foreign policy can never range itself in any sense upon the DIFFERENCES OF RACE and civilisation between the East and the West. It would be fatal to the Empire. We look confidently to the Government and to the people of the United States for sympathy and understanding in this respect. The friendly co-operation of the United States is for us a cardinal principle dictated by instinct, quite as much as by reason of a commonseuse desire to work with the Great Republic in all parts of the world. Like the United States, we want stability and peace on the basis of LIBERTY AND JUSTICE. We desire to avoid the growth (J f armaments, whether in the Pacific or elsewhere, and we rejoice that American opinion should be showing an earnestness in that direction at the present time. We are ready to discuss with American statesmen any proposal for the LIMITATION OF ARMAMENTS. We will undertake that such overtures will not find a lack of willingness on our part to meet them.- Meantime, we cannot forget that the life of the United Kingdom, as also that of Australia and New Zealand—indeed, the whole Empire, —has been built up on SEA POWER. That sea power is necessarily the basis of the whole Empire’s existence. Therefore we look to measures which security requires us to aim at. We cannot possibly be content with less. The British Government has been under suspicion in some quarters of harbouring designs against this Conference. We are said to be dissatisfied with the present state of the Empire, and to wish to alter its organisation in some revolutionary way. We are not at all dissatisfied. “ Another change which has taken place since the war is the decision of the Canadian Government to have a MINISTER IN WASHINGTON. We co-operated willingly, and shall welcome a Canadian colleague in Washington as soon as the appointment is made. We welcome any suggestion you have for associating yourselves more closely with the conduct of foreign relations. There was a time when Downing street controlled the Empire. To-day it is in charge of Downing street. We want to know your standpoint. We want to tell you ours. In recognition of their services and achievements in the war, the dominions have been accepted fully into the comity of nations by the whole world. They have achieved full national status, and now stand beside the United Kingdom as EQUAL PARTNERS in the dignities and responsibilities of the British Commonwealth. “India’s achievements were also verv great. Its theatre in Europe was remote, yet India stood by her allegiance heart and soul from the first call to arms, and some of her sons are still serving far from their homes and families in the common cause. INDIA’S LOYALTY in the great crisis is eloquent of the Empire’s success in bridging the East and the West. India also proved her right to a new status in our council. I welcome her representatives to the great council of the Empire. This war Has revealed to the world that the Empire is not an abstraction, but a living force. This opportune revelation of the reality of the- Empire has altered the history of the world. Those who know how narrow the margin was between victory and defeat can proclaim without hesitation that without those 2,000,000 men from outside the United Kingdom, Prussianism would probably have triumphed in the West before the American troops arrived. Lord Curzon, wh & >i now discussing with M.

Briand the execution of a victorious treaty, would have been discussing how best to carry out the humiliating terms dictated by the triumphant war lords of Germany. The. reign of unbridled force would have been supreme and unregulated. The unity of the British Empire saved France and Great Britain and civilisation from that catastrophe. Victory has its cares as well as defeat, but they are ephemeral, and are soon surmounted. Defeat would have reversed the engines of progress, and democracy would have been driven back centuries. The British Empire is a saving fact in a distracted world. It is the most hopeful experiment in human organisation that the world has yet seen. The Empire is based, not on force, but on goodwill and common understanding. Liberty is ITS BINDING PRINCIPLE. In this room we stand for the long political development of the British Isles with all its splendours anil pains, the crucible from which the framework of the whole great structure has emerged in all the marvellous achievement of our peoples which this gathering reflects. I am most deeply impressed by the blending of the East and West. Our duty here is to present the ideals of this great association of peoples in willing loyalty to one sovereign ; to take counsel together regarding the progress and welfare of ail; and to keep our strength, both moral and material, a united power for justice, liberty, and peace.” At the conclusion of his address, Mr Meighen congratulated Mr Lloyd George. ’Pile other dominion representatives endorsed Mr Meighcn’s remarks, expressing the greatest appreciation of the address. FIGHTING FOR A PRINCIPLE. LONDON, June .18. Commenting on conference matters, the Maharajah of Cutch says: “ More and more as time goes on will the Indian people recognise that the value and glory of India’s new-found nationality is largely dependent on her association with the British Empire. One of the greatest obstacles to this realisation is the feeling that the position of India is insufficiently reflected in the status accorded the Indian subjects of the King in the self-governing dominions. There is no desire to flood other countries with an Indian population, but we are fighting for a principle that must be recognised. Defence is an important matter on the agenda, but the financial stress of India is so great that we cannot do any more than we are doing. PRELIMIXAR Y SPEECHES. LONDON, June 21. Many newspapers publish unflattering and inaccurate biographies of the conference representatives. The conference is much discussed on buses, in hotels, and in the underground railways. A new epigram has been coined which is certain to become historic: “There was a time when Downing Street controlled the Empire ; to-day the Empire has taken charge of Downing Street.” The conference to-day was confined to speeches dealing with Mr Lloyd George’s address. Lord Curzon attended, but did not speak. Mr Meighen occupied 15 minutes, Mr Hughes 60 minutes, and General Smuts, Mr Massey, and Mr Sastu each 30 minutes. THE JAPANESE QUESTION. LONDON, June 21. At to-day’s conference sitting Mr Meighen said he approached the question of Japan with a full sense of his responsibility, but the outlying dominions were not disposed to attach the same importance as Great Britain to Uie paramount necessity of mitigating racial divisions. If the conference desired the support of the dominions it must fully inform the public in regard to its proceedings. General Smuts stated that the South African Parliament approved of his policy ■with reference to the conference which he had expounded in Parliament. Therefore he proposed to adhere to that policy and not to break new ground. He advocated increased disarmament. He said the most fatal mistake would be competition in armaments against America. Since the war Great Britain and America had drifted apart. The only pathway to safety for the Empire lay alongside America. General Smuts said the European situation was no longer of first importance. Therefore, they should escape from European entanglements. Undoubtedly the scene had shifted from Europe to the Far East and the Pacific. The PROBLEM OF THE PACIFIC would probably be the greatest during the next 50 years, embracing Australia, New Zealand, Africa, Japan, and America. It was in the Pacific that the next great chapter in human history would be enacted. The American Senate had already made the first great move by inviting a consultation between the United States, the British Empire, and Japan. The duty of the Imperial Conference would be to help to forward that movement. General Smuts concluded by stating : “If wisely guided this conference may become one of the greatest landmarks in history.” INDIA’S STATUS. Mr Sastri said that India had not yet acquired full dominion status, but was planted firmly on the road thereto. He intended submitting resolutions demanding equality of treatment for Indians in the dominions, subject to Lord Sinha’s compromise at the 1918 conference. Mr Hughes said lie hoped the conference would do something to convince the people that it had found a practical and sure way of bridging the apparent impassable chasm which divides the complete autonomy of several parts of the Empire from united action upon rz&tters affecting all. “It is essential,” he said,“ that we must do something if this conference is not to be the last magnificent flare of dying illumination.” There were

THREE OUTSTANDING PROBLEMS, the foreign policy, Jap n, and defence. The equality of the dominions at the council table in dealing with these questions was accepted, but for the dominions fo have an effective voice in the foreign policy they must have knowledge, which was ’ impossible without improved communication. Referring to the JAPANESE TREATY, Mr Hughes said the matter was definite and urgent. Australia’s attitude had been clearly stated. The treaty could not be reviewed precisely in its present form. It must conform to the requirements of the League of Nations. Nevertheless, the case for renewal was strong if not overwhelming. Speaking broadly, Australia favoured the renewal of the treaty, but the renewal must exclude the possibility of war with America. The treaty must guard against even the suspicion of hostility or unfriendliness towards the United States. If the treaty were renewed the Empire would be in a better position to exercise influence over our Eastern policy, than if Japan were a potential enemy. “Yl e will do well for the world’s peace, for China, and for the commonwealth of British nations to renew this treaty.” Mr Hughes suggested that a conference be held between Britain, Apnerica, and Japan regarding a renewal of the treaty. In any case he considered they should ascertain America’s views. Referring to defence, he advocated the international LIMITATION OF ARMAMENTS, but whatever was agreed upon Australia must have naval defence adequate for her safety. The war and the Panama Canal had shifted the world’s stage to the Pacific. The world’s future drama must be played in the Pacific. He hoped for an agreement between the three great naval Powers. He admitted that Britain was unable alone to continue the responsibility for the DEFENCE OF THE EMPIRE. The dominions could not ask to be permitted to participate in the direction of the foreign policy without sharing in the defence of the Empire. Mi 5 Hughes was not prepared to say what Australia’s share should be. He considered Australia’s share per capita should not be so great as Great Britain’s, because Great Britain depended on her colonies, dependencies, and India, but whatever was Australia’s share it should apply to all the dominions on a per capita basis. He refused to subscribe to the doctrine that the less endangered dominions should contribute less than the more menaced dominions. He did not believe the dominion’s quota should be monetary. It should be expressed in terms of the dominions’ navies. Referring to the proposed CONSTITUTIONAL CON FEREXCE, he confessed inability to understand what the Conference could do. The position had changed since the resolution was carried by the 1917 Conference. It was unnecessary because no limitation had been placed upon the dominions, which now could even encompass their own destruction by sundering the bonds of Empire. If they desired to do so they already possessed all the rights of self-gov-ernment enjoyed by independent nations. The proposed Constitutional Conference was causing anxiety in Australia. Instead of giving Australia greater powers it was feared it would diminish the existing powers. Even this conference was hi the shadow of clouds and suspicions. It was not even entitled to give itself a name. Whether conference, cabinet, or council, all were questionable titles. Constitutional experiments meant treading on dangerous ground. Let us leave well alone. A TEST RESOLUTION. LONDON, June 22. Mr Sastri (Indian delegate), speaking at the Conference, said “ Greatly important to me is the mention of the status enjoyed by the Indians in the dominions. Your noble words describe the Empire as a confederation of races into which willing and free peoples have been admitted. Consent is incongruous with the inequality of the races. Freedom implies, as of necessity, the admission of all peoples to the rights of. citizenship without reservation. The Indian delegation proposes to submit for the consideration of the Conference a resolution which will be regarded in India as a test by which the whole position may be judged. This question is of supreme importance, and should'be considered and disposed of at this meeting. It is of most urgent and pressing importance that we should be able to carry back a mesage of hope. I can only plead that there should be no occasion for small bickerings and mutua 1 recriminations. It is understood that the motion referred to by Mr Sastri suggests establishing a principle of mutual free access to all the dominions for all Empire races, while guaranteeing control of the flow of types considered unwelcome in certain countries. Strong opposition is expected in several quarters. There is no hope of the motion becoming a Conference resolution. MILITARY AND NAVAL POLICIES. LONDON, June 23. The Press Association learns that it is probable that naval defence will not be determined at this conference. The military policy possibly may be determined, particularly in relation to the land defences eastward from the Suez Canal, but there is a sharp division of opinion between Canada and South Africa on the one hand and Australasia on the other relative to the heavy liabilities involved in the proposed naval policy which is calculated to provoke antagonisms; hence the suggestion to discuss generalities without attempting to commit the conference to any concrete policy upon which the delegates are hopelessly divided. Probably a separate conference will be held later, following the 1909 precedent. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Lord Curzon in his address to the conference gave a comprehensive survey of

foreign affairs. He explained the position regarding Germany on similar lines to Mr Lloyd George’s speech, suggesting that the Silesian trouble was passing ami that a settlement of other questions was in signt. The Lithuanian boundaries problem was causing unrest, but there was hope of a solution. A treaty of peace with‘Turkey was a matter of greater difficulty, owing to the disunion and instability of the country, which could not guarantee that any arrangement would be honoured. An enormous expense was entailed in maintaining the forces in reserve to meet likely emergencies. If a settlement were approved the most threatening menace would be removed. He would welcome the advice and views of the dominions. SITUATION IN RUSSIA. Russia still provided involved situations, but forbearance and patience would restore the balance. The Government had prepared a memoranda of suggestions on all matters of Empire interest, setting out frankly the position in every case. He welcomed the dominions interesting themselves in Empire matters, and he did not wish to prejudice the decisions of the conference, but, frankly, the giving of elaborate detail or arguments in secret was necessary, because a public disclosure of everything bared at the conference would result in checking the freedom of expression, would curb opinion, and would prevent an understanding. Lord Curzon explained the inwardness of the renewal of the Anglo-Japaneso Treaty. “ The conditions had changed siiieo the original agreement, but the future held its problems. A renewal of the treaty was possible on terms acceptable to Great Britain, the dominions, Japan, and America.” Touching the SITUATION IN EGYPT, Lord Curzon explained the causes of the unrest. A solution was regarded as in sight. There was reason also to believe that the New Hebrides problem would he solved. 11c mentioned the failure of the condominium, for which a substitute was required. THE CROWN COLONIES. LONDON, June 22. Mr Churchill’s speech at the Conference was‘devoted to the Crown colonies, whose story lie said was full of interest and romance. Problems existed in these colonies similar to those of larger States, and though on a smaller scale, they were sometimes more complex than those found in the great States. Some were great protectorates, exporting produce worth £40,000,000 to £50,000,000 annually to Great Britain. During the war they were prosperous, but with the coming of peace a wave of trade depression bad fallen upon them. Prices of tin and rubber had fallen below the cost of production, and even the sugar colonies were ill difficulties about the disposal of their crops. The decline in the world’s consuming power was making itself felt on the highly-organised British industries and by the repercussion affecting the raw materials of the tropical dependencies. “Apart from this phase,” said Mr Churchill, ‘one cannot help feeling how magnificent is (he asset which the Empire possesses. Wo must endeavour to secure credit money for the development of the colonies. Although this was a matter for Britain at the present time, it should more and more engage the sympathies and interest of the self-governing dominions.” He instanced an agreement between Canada and the West Indies. Bermuda had declined to ratify a reciprocity agreement, but he would endeavour to secure its acceptance. He hoped lo get a delegation from Rhodesia to meet General SiVmts and Mr Smartt in order to discuss its position. The great expense in Palestine and Mesopotamia had led to everything in regard to Crown colonies being pruned severely. He hoped, however, to develop railway communications in Uganda. Mr Churchill referred to the question raised bv Mr Sastri regarding Indian settlers in Crown colonies. He thought there was only one ideal that the Empire could set before itself—that was that there should be no barrier of race, colour, or creed to prevent any man of merit from reaching any station if fitted for it. He did not feel able to adopt any lessor statement of principle in regard to Crown colonies, but it would have to be carefully and gradually applied. MR MASSEY’S SPEECH. LONDON, June 22. Mr Massey, in his Conference address, said that .Mr Lloyd George's speech was the most important since the war, and it would give much satisfaction overseas. It was made quite clear that the act of separately signing the Peace Treaty by the dominions had not given them complete independence. None of them individually could enter into treaties of war or peace with foreign nations as some held they could do. He elaborated liis views on the subject of setting up in peace time an equivalent of the War Cabinet. The dominions had gained in status since the war, but had gone back otherwise. Mr Hughes : “How gone back?” Mr Massey: “We have lost the right we then had in the war and in ottier matters to assist in making recommendations to the Sovereign.” He believed strongly in a nartnersnip of the nations of the British Empire, but at the same time ho admitted there was a stronger power in the Empire to-day than any printed words. This was the patriotic sentiment of the people. Mr Massey hoped a sufficiently strong naval force would be kept to maintain the connections in all parts of the Empire. Ho hoped there never would be war, but everyone knew that the more densely inhabited countries of the world weie only kept within bounds and prevented from inflicting injustice on their weaker neighbours by the fear of a stronger Power than themselves. New Zealand was feeling severely her war expenditure, but he took the responsibility of saying that she would find her fair share of money to nrovida

a navy strong enough to protect the Pacific, and was prepared to join any well thought out alliance with America, though he did not think that possible yet. Mr Mnosey emphasised the importance of the subject of the Japanese Treaty. He had told his own Parliament that he was quite prepared with necessary modifications to support its renewal. He referred to the Japanese help to New Zealand in the early days of the war when no other naval aid was available, but supporting a renewal of the Treaty did not affect in the slightest degree the New Zealanders’ right to choose their fellow citizens. He was quite prepared to take America’s view into consideration in the renewal of the Treaty. Mr Massey said he intended to bring up the question of shipping communications and the need for faster mail and passenger services with Great Britain. The elections next year would prevent his attendance at a Con ference. Mr Massey’s speech makes two and a-half columns in the London press. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. LONDON, June 22. The conference has adjourned till Friday. Lord Curzon spoke for over two hours entirely on foreign affairs. Mr Churchill followed on the Mesopotamian question. Neither speech will be published. Friday’s sitting will be devoted entirely to a discussion on foreign affairs. The conference, through Mr Lloyd George, congratulated the King and Queen on the anniversary of their coronation. STATFMEXT BY MR MASSEY. LONDON, Tunc 25. In the course of an interview Mr Mas sev said that he could see no reason why there should not ho an agreement and an understanding between America and the British Empire. It need not necessarily be put on paper. America could probably make a declaration by a Congressional resolution. Mr Massey said: “I foresee a great commercial development in the Pacific, and a statement of policy would facilitate an adjustment of the problems which are likely to arise. The problem of the defence of tho Pacific is for us an Empire

problem. We obtain protection from the British navy, and we naturally expect to contribute our share to the Empire’s defence. We have done so in the past, and in the future we are prepared to be called on for still larger contributions.” MR'MASSEY AND MR HUGHES. CO-OPERATING. LONDON, June 23. Mr Massey intends to press for an early decision on the questions of Pacific defence, the New Hebrides, State-aided immigration, the relations of the dominions to the foreign policy ensuring the permanence of the Shipping Committee, and the dominions’ share of German reparations. He is also anxious for a clearer understanding on the powers and the cost of the League of Nations. He regards the present state of affairs as unsatisfactory and the league as ineffective and unduly costly. Mr Massey admits that it is possible they may not obtain unanimity at the Conference on naval defence, but he will await developments before expressing an opinion. With reference to the suggested defence conference, Mr Massey and Mr Hughes are cordially co-operating on defence ters.Regarding the New Zealand Soldiers’ resolution on naval defence, Mr Massey approve-s of the suggested utilisation of the canteen funds, and has taken steps to bring the resolution before Mr Lloyd George. Mr Massey is gratified at the patriotic spirit prompting the suggestion, and states that whatever future policy may be decided upon, New Zealand may be relied upon to do its share. FRENCH WRITER’S VIEW. PARIS, June 24. Among the articles on the Imperial Conference M. Stephane Lausanne, writing in the Matin, urges the advantage of a Franco-American Alliance over a Franco-British Alliance. He says that the British star is declining, and the American is rising. Tho British domination ex tended over five continents, and appeared invulnerable, but now the new star was drawing everything to itself. The speeches of the dominions’ Premiers showed that they were addressing couplets to the Americans. General Smuts even describes America as tlie country which is the dearest of all. The mere apprehension that a renewal of the Anglo-

Japanese Treaty may displease America l' sufficient to upset South Africa. CONFIDENTIAL QUESTIONS DISCUSSED. LONDON, June 25. The conference resumed the discussion on foreign policy, all the delegates speaicing at length on confidential questions involving the most intimate relations. It was decided to preserve the closest secrecy. The conference will be continued op Monday. The delegates are leaving London for the week-end. Sir W. H. Herries attended the confei ence at the invitation of Mr Lloyd George. The latter and Mr Winston Churchill will reply to to-day’s speeches on Monday. DINNER BY PARLIAMENTARY ASSOCIATION. LONDON, June 25. The United Kingdom Parliamentary Association tendered a dinner to the conference delegates and 200 others in the Royal Gallery at the House of Lords. Lord Birkenhead presided. The banners presented by the dominions were flown, and the decorations included flowers and the Tricolour. The New Zealanders present included Sir James Allen, Sir J. G. Findlay, Sir W. Hall-Jones, Sir W. H. Herries, and Sir Thomas Mackenzie. Mr Lloyd George was unable to attend owing to medical advice, but the other Ministers were present. Lord Birkenhead proposed the toast of “ Our Overseas Colleagues.” He said that the parliamentary spirit was one of the strongest bonds of union between the Empire and the people. The aftermath of tho war had brought unrest among the industrial populations of the world. Evilminded people tried to take advantage of this condition to utilise propaganda as part of an unscrupulous conspiracy. Feel mgs of common interest between Britain and the dominions were best for the Empire and best for each of the dominions. Britain appreciated not only the self-sacri-fice but the single-hearted purpose with which the visitors faced the delicate problems. Mr Hughes had told him that the criticisms levelled at tho Lloyd George Government compared with those chronic in Australia and might be called “ nau seating eulogy.”—(Laughter.) Mr Hughes stood in the nature of a political light house pointing the way a/nd bringing en couragement in the darkest hours. His

never-faltering courage was of the greatest advantage to the race and the Empire during the gravest hours of war. Mi Massey was another from a far dominion bringing words of hope. Though the Homeland was facing tho most trying blast of the industrial storm, he hoped that the visitors would see it win through before leaving. Mr Arthur Meighen and Sir T. Smart*, responded. Mr J. H. Whitley (Speaker of the House of Commons) proposed the toa't of the “Parliaments of the Empire.” ITe extended a special welcome to their Indian colleagues. Mr Hughes, in responding, said it would be desirable ii each dominion could have a representative in the Foreign Office. EL hoped that America would listen to what the dominions had to say as the sentiments must appeal to them as coming from communities which were going through the same process of development as their own. He hoped they would join with the British Empire in taking a definite step towards a halt in the race" of armaments. Mr Massey supported Mr Hughes. He said he hoped that the conference would result in benefit not only to the Empire but to the world. Mr Sastri also spoke regarding the aspirations of India, HOUSE OE LORDS’ DINNER. LONDON. June 25. At the dinner to the dominions’ delegates there was a brilliant gathering. Mr Massey, in response to the toast of the dominions, made a strong plea for British unity. A house divided against itself, he said, could not stand. There must be a sinking of differences and a combating of influences which might be at work to bring about a weakening and disintegration of the Empire.