BRITISH PARLIAMENT

Otago Witness, Issue 3336, 20 February 1918, Page 36

BRITISH PARLIAMENT

THE KING'S RE-OPENING SPEECH. A PARLIAMENTARY CRISIS. A CHALLENGING NOTE OF CRITICISM. THE MINISTRY AND THE GENERALS. ' SIR W. ROBERTSON RESIGNS. (By Cable.) The King opened Parliament in person. His Majesty was accompanied by the Queen, and attended by the Prince of Wales. Australian, New Zealand, and other overseas troops furnished a mounted escort. The route was lined by enthusiastic crowds. The Royal party passed through the Royal Gallery, where wounded overseas soldiers were accommodated. The Marquis of Lincolnshire (formerly Earl Carrington), the Lord Great Chamberlain, addressed the men, and said: "I am commanded by the King to give the brave overseas soldiers a Royal welcome, and express his Majesty's warm and grateful appreciation of your gallantry t devotion in the field. After the conclusion of a victorious peace the King and Queen wish you a safe and happy return to the gTeat dominions of which they are . so proud, and which you love so well-" \ His Majesty King George, in the course of his Speech in opening Parliament, said : " The struggle has reached a critical 6tage, demanding our united energies and resources. The German Government ignored our just demand to make restitution for the wrongs committed and furnish guarantees against an unprovoked repetition of them. Until Germany recognises our offer of the only principles on which an honourable peace can be concluded it is our duty to prosecute the war with all vigour. " I have full confidence that the British forces and their faithful allies will continue to display heroic courage, and that the people at home will display the unselfish devotion, which has frustrated many of the enemy's designs, and will ensure the ultimate triumph of a righteous cause. "J have summoned the dominions' refresentatives for a further session of tho mperial War Cabinet for their advice on questions affecting the common interests ot the Empire." HIGHER ARMY COMMANDS. In the House of Commons Mr Asquith, jifter paying very high tributes to Sir Douglas Haig and Sir William Robert- . son, and declaring that the confidence of the nation and the Empire in them was hi' nowise shaken—(cheers),—asked the Government to define the recent enlargement of 'the functions of the Interallied f War Council, also whether any change had been made or was contemplated in the fiiatus or functions of Generals Haig or Robertson. Mr Asquith concluded by emphasising,'the necessity for complete confidence in the system by whieli we were carrying on the war, and in perfect harmony between the Government and its servants. ' - Mr Lloyd George, referring to Count Czernin's and Baron von Hertling's peace terms, said he found nothing in the speeches which he" regarded as proof that the Central Powers were prepared to accept peace on just and reasonable terms. Britain did not recede from her already stated war aims. Our regrettable duty was to go on with the preparations necessary to establish international right in the world. Referring to thj Interallied War Council, the Prime Minister said he could not give the information which Mr Asquith asked for. The Allies had had an overwhelming superiority on the west front, but that superiority had rapidly diminished, especially in the last few weeks. Until this year there was. no attack the Germans could bring against the British and French armies which could not be dealt with by the reserves of each army. But the situation had been completely changed by the enormous German reinforcements from the east. The Versailles Council dealt with a situation in which it was absolutely essential that the whole strength

6: the allied armies could be made avail

asle at any point at which an attack *»;ne. The Allies had .to treat their jMOiniea as one, in order ho meet the danger. The Council had established complete unity. The powers conferred by the Council could not be stated without disclosing military seci-ets of the first magnitude.

Mr Lloyd George's reference to the great part the British army is now playing in France has aroused much attention. The following was the text:—"The British are holding the most important part of the line. I felt flattered at the Versailles Council when I realised that this new army, which has . sprung into being in the course of two or three years, has been entrusted by France with the defence of her capital and with the defence of the most vital parts of France—(cheers), —and of the ports along the coast. All this has been voluntarily handed over by France for defence by the British army; and France's demand was, not that the British army should take less, but more responsibility."— (Cheers). HOSTILE AMENDMENT. In the House of Commons Mr Holt moved an amendment regretting that, by the decision of the Versailles War Council, the only immediate task of the Uovernment is the' prosecution of military effort. He also deprecated an attempt- to detach Austria from the Central Alliance. Mr Balfour, in reply, dissented from Buch a doctrine, and added that if it were possibio to break up the enemy coalition

nobody would rejoice more- than himself. The Versailles Council was faced by Count Hertling's and Count Czernin's speeches. They saw therein no attempt to approach tho Entente standpoint. It was obvious that Czernin refused' President Wilson's terms. Tho Kaiser's and von Hertling's speeches proved that they were as far now as three years ago from accepting Mr-Wilson's ideals, which were common to the whole of the Entente. The diplomatic weapon was therefore useless. Mr Bonar Law declared that lie had no more interest in the present than in the late Prime Minister, and had served both loyally. If the House was dissatisfied with 'the Government it was their duty to get another in which they had confidence ; otherwise destructive criticism should cease. Mr Holt's amendment was rejected by 159 votes to 28. Members with pacifist sympathies urged the Government to withdraw the Paris economy declarations, and also redefine the war aims, particularly regarding Alsace and Lorraine. Mr Thomas, secretary of the Railwaymen's Union, said it would be the greatest danger if the country was compelled to negotiate peace owing to pressure at home. The Labour party was determined that an international conference of people should be held shortly, and some leaders were going to Paris next day to arrange a conference. He warned the Government not to attempt to stop them. Lord Robert Cecil, in closing the debate, hotly protested against the pacifists' demand that Britain should repudiate her treaties.

Lord Robert Cecil said, . regarding the German interpretation of the term "freedom of the seas," the latest pronouncement of Count Reventlow demanded the possession of maritime territory and naval bases by means of which, upon the outbreak of "war, she would be able to guarantee herself jump-ing-off places with a fair chance of dominating the seas. Therefore the possession of the Flanders seaboard was a matter of life or death to Germany. He was not aware whether Reventlow was the mouthpiece of the Government, but he Avas the representative of the clique which usually exerted sway over the Government. THE POPE'S PEACE NOTE. Mr O'Brien, in the House of Commons, moved an amendment regretting that no reasoned reply had been sent to the Pope's Peace Note; also a secret with Italy excluding the Holy See from peace negotiations. This was demoralising to the' Roman Catholic soldiers and sailors. Lord Robert Cecil denied that the Government was committed to an antipapal policy. His Majesty the King had replied to the Papal Note, expressing appreciation of the Pope's lofty intentions, and promising the closest attention to the Note. President Wilson had also replied. Lord Cecil added, regarding the treaty with Italy, that the Government had merely agreed that, if Italy objected to papal representatives, we should support the objection. Only belligerents would be entitled to attend the Peace Conference. The amendment was negatived without a division. WAR CREDIT. A war credit is expected to be asked from Pai'liament on March 10, probably for £500,000,000. THE HOUSE OF LORDS. In the House of Lords, in the course of the debate on the Address-in-Reply, Lord Curzon, member of the War Cabinet, said that the Imperial War Conference marked an important (step in the constitutional development of the Empire. Geographical conditions prevented frequent meetings, but the prosecution of the war, the supply of men, a:_d peace and post-war conditions were matters concerning which we should be the gainers by deliberating with our overseas fellow subjects. He paid a tribute to the type of dominion and Indian soldiers seen dally in the streets.

Our success in the Palestine expedition was regarded all over the world as an expiation of an affront which Christians had endured for centuries, and as a sacred symbol of coming victory.—(Cheers.) We all hoped that Palestine would never be allowed to rever-t to the Turks. The Arabs had assisted us to inflict heavy defeats on the enemv.

All must sympathise with Rumania. Her position, was not duo to the failure of her western Allies, but to her geographical isolation since she had been deserted by Russia.

In France our position was one of expectancy, but the Allies had the men to meet the onslaught, and munitions equal to the enemy's; while our morale had never been higher:—(Cheers.)

The Versailles Council of War had justified the most sanguine expectations. It was inevitable that the military representatives at Versailles should be the best men procurable, and they must be invested with still greater power as time went on. They had to deal efficiently and promptly with a situation which did not always per-mit of reference to distant Governments. The suspicions levelled against the Council were without foundation. Except as regards military dispositions, its executive functions were not modified. THE POLITICAL ATMOSPHERE, Parliamentary correspondents state that a new and challenging note of criticism and a bold disposition to assert the House's authority was perceptible throughout the debate in the Commons. 'The House was obviously disappointed with ilr Lloyd George for not disclosing the nature of the enlarged functions of the Versailles Council. Mr Asquith's indignant protest against the Prime Minister's insinuation evoked' a storm of applause, led by Mr Lloyd George's Radical enemies, who .are becoming in-

creasing]}' numerous. It was significant that the cheers seemed to be general. Mr Llotcl George quite failed to repeat his parliamentary triumph of last November. The subsequent debate emphasised the same note of criticism of the Government and of Mr Lloyd George. Mr Lloyd George unexpectedly returned from the "country and visited Buckingham Palace, He remained for an hour with the King. There are rumours that another crisis has culminated. The Daily Express says that Mr Asquith and Lord Lansdowne have been in consultation for the past few days. THE INTER-ALLIED WAR COUNCIL. The Press Bureau reports: The extension of the functions of the permanent military representative, decided on at the last meeting of the War Council at Versailles, necessitated the limitation of the special powers hitherto exercised by the Chief of the Imperial General Staff. The Government, therefore, thought it right to offer General Robertson the choice of becoming the British military representative on the War Council at Versailles or continuing as Chief of the General Staff under the new conditions. General Robertson, for reasons which the Prime Minister will explain in the House of Commons early next week, was unable to accept either position, and the Government regretfully accepted his resignation. Sir Henry Wilson accepted the position of Chief of the General Staff, and the appointment of British representative at Versailles will be announced shortly. Lord Sydenham heartily approves of the formation of the Versailles Supreme War Council. He says correspondence is futile as a method of co-ordinating operations in France, which requires daily and hourly personal contact between the allied General Staffs. Domestic reasons force Germany to make a great attack, which may cover a 150-mile front, and instant decisions will be essential. Either a generalissimo had to be appointed, or executive power conferred upon the Versailles Council. Lord Hugh Cecil, in a letter to The Times, says that there is a danger of Britain's domestic politics sinking into a fend between Mr Asquith and Mr Lloyd George, but there is an even greater danger owing to Mr Lloyd George and Sir William Robertson not agreeing over certain questions of military policy, though the efficient conduct of the war depends upon their hearty sympathy and co-operation. This suggests that a new National Government should be formed, of which Messrs Asquith and Lloyd George could be members, but under another Prime Minister to whom the country can give universal support. GENERAL SIR W. ROBERTSON. - The Daily Telegraph's parliamentary reporter says that an important debate upon the military changes is inevitable. Mr Lloyd George will, either on Monday or Tuesday, endeavour to attend the House of Commons and make a statement. The sequel probable is a direct issue of confidence in "the Government upon Mr Asquith's motion, or Minister's may challenge the opinion of the House. The Times, in a leading article dealing with General Robertson's position, says the Allied -Council's agreement rendered imperative the curtailment of the illogical powers conferred upon the Chief of the General Staff for temporary reasons. The Government's alternating bursts of confidence caused the mishandling of an overwhelming case in favour of the Allied Council's decisions, which did not show the slightest conflict. The Times lobbyist believes that if the facts are fully disclosed an effective attack against the Government is impossible. The Cabinet supports the Prime Minister. The Sunday Times has had an interview with Sir William Robertson, which indicates that he was dismissed. He said: " I have not resigned. I can only say that I will not accept either position." The Sunday Times political correspondent understands that General Sir Herbert Pluaner (commanding the British forces in Italy) declined to succeed Sir William Robertson. He adds that it is anticipated that other British generals will follow Sir William Robertson into retirement—in fact, the generals have revolted against the Cabinet, and the gravity of their action cannot be overestimated. The correspondent blames Load Derby's (Secretary of State for Waf) spineless control at the War Office, and hints that Lord Derby will resign, pointing out that he had an audience with the King on Saturday. The Observer hopes that Sir William Robertson's retirement will be but temporary, and adds: '"His resignation clears the air on the eve of battle, and removes the possible risk of friction between ourselves and our allies." Correspondents of other newspapers emphasise the political side of the situation, and regard the reconstruction of the Cabinet as unlikely, pointing out that the suggested alternatives to Mr Lloyd George as Prime Minister do not command confidence either at Home or abroad, but the Government's position is critic*!, and the Prime Minister's speech of explanation is being eagt*rly awaited. The Government newspapers challenge Mr Asquith to test the Douse with a noconfidence motion, declaring that it would result in a fourfold Ministerial majority. It is recalled that General Robertson took up the duties of Chief of the General Staff on the condition that he had power to communicate direct with the Cabinet and also with the commanders field, without reference to the War .Secretary. Newspapers agree that his withdrawal may embarrass the Government, but will not affect the course of the war or the War Council's plans. They unanimously regret tho step; but urge, that the ranks must be elosed up in view of ~ bhe gravity of the situation.

COLON EL R LPLN GTON

Colonel Repington, writing in the Morning Post, states that the removal of General Robertson is justly and universally regarded by tho army as disastrous. bfnee Lord Kitchener's death General Robertson had been the most respected military figure in the Allies' camp. Ho had to choose between the broad, easy path of subservience to political dictation and tho hard, narrow path of public duty. He has chosen the latter, with single-minded devotion to the countrv.

Mr Howell Gwynne, editor of the Morning Post, and Colonel .uepington were charged at Bow Street Police Court, under the Defence of the Realm Act, with publishing "'information respecting the proposed plans and conduct of military operations on the western front. The Solicitor-general, who appeared for the prosecution, said the Morning Post had published Colonel Repington's articles purporting to give an account of momentous decisions, and especially that the army reserves were no longer under the Commander-in-Chief's control, but under an external authority,, which was contrary to all sound military tactics. ' Mr Gwynne submitted the article to the censor, who refused to permit its publication, warning Mr Gwynne that the publication would be an infringement of the Defence of the Realm Act. Mr Gwynne replied that he would modify the article, but the national interest dem'aTed its publication. The article was published without resubmission to the censor. It contained all the material points which the censor condemned, and was prefaced by a statement that there were times when they must take their courage in both hands and risk the consequences. The case was adjourned till £he 21st inst.