AMERICA AND THE WAR

Otago Witness, Issue 3333, 30 January 1918, Page 37

AMERICA AND THE WAR

ADDRESS BY PROFESSOR TRUEBLOOD/ There was a good attendance on Sunday Afternoon in the Y.M.C.A. Hall, when Professor .Thomas C. Trueblood, of the University of Michigan, delivered an address on "America and the War." Mr F. Arthur presided. Professor Trueblood prefaced his remarks by stating that he was keenly interested in the work of the Y.M.0.A.. and was one of the trustees of a branch in Miohigan. This branch was maintaining a hospital at Buzra, at the head of the Persian Gulf, which was at present being used for British soldiers. He stated that he had several answers to give to the reason why America was so long in entering the war, com© of which he gave on the occasion of hjs address before the Expansion League. One reason was that it was Amerioa's traditional policy to keep out of European conflicts, another was that they wished to conform to the principles of the Monroe Doctrine, and still another was that they had previously settled all their differences by submitting them to arbitration. As an example of their peaceableness, he mentioned that they had lived for 103 years side by side with the Canadians, and any disputes that had arisen between the two countries had been settled by arbitration. Further, America had no desire to interfere with her neighbours' quarrels. She had always upheld the policy" of the freedom of the seas. She considered that her ships were free to go anywhere outside the three-mile limit. Then there was the trampling of Belgium, and, later, (Serbia and Rumania. America was always prepared to stand by the small nations. The intrigue of Germany also compelled America to reconsider her position. It became known to America that Germany had her spies in Japan and In Mexico, and was endeavouring to stir up strife. The professor then went on to refer to the attitude of Germany as regards war. He quoted Dr Newell Dwight Hiflis as_ sayin e that with Germany war was a national industry. Germany's manufacturing and finance paid 8 per cent. Her war against Derimark, when she seized Schleswig-Hol-stein, paid her one thousand per cent. Her war in 1870 to grab the iron mines of Alsace and Lorraine paid her ten thousand per cent., and Germany expected the war of 1914 to pay her twenty thousand per cent. " We have made no investments like our wars," said Bernhardi. "Let Belgium found steel plants at Namur and Liege—we will loot them." The war had its origin in a meeting held at Potsdam Palace in 1892. On that occasion the Kaiser placed in the hands of his friends a confidential document; at the head of that document were the words, " The Pan-German EmEire." The second line read: "From Hamurg on the North Sea. to the Persian Gulf." The third line was: "Our ultimate goal—by 1915—250,000,000 of people. The fourth line: "Our ultimate goal—the Germanisation of all the peoples of the world. On the opposite page was a part of the Kaiser's address: vFrom my childhood I have been under the influence of five men —Alexander, Julius Caesar,-. Charles the Fifth,' Frederiok tho Great, and Napoleon. All of these men dreamed their dreams of a world-empire—they failed. I have dreamed my dream of a world-empire. I shall succeed." The professor stated that each German soldier was given an iron coin as a token. At the top was a German portrait of tho Deity. The Deity holds a weapon in His right hand, and the token bore these words: "Smite your enemy dead. The day of judgment will not ask you for your reasons." The speaker then referred to many atrocities committed by the Huns. It was this that had turned the German people in America against their own country. He believed that 999 out of every 1000 Germans in America had gone over to tho land of their adoption.' "Now and again," said tho speaker, "we find a disloyal German, and when we do wo put him away for safe keeping." About seven years ago, said tho professor, he was travelling with a party in Germany, and it was almost a pathotio sight to see the old people doing the work; all the young men were attending to their military duties. President Wilson, in a speech delivered in April last, said: "Wo have no quarrel with the German. people. We have no -feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their Government acted in entering the war. - It was not with the previous knowledge of their approval. It was a war determined upon as wars -used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers, and wars were provoked and waged in the interests of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their, fellow-men as pawns and tools. Self -gov erned nations do not fill their neighbour's States with spies or 6ct the course of intriguo to bring about some critical posture of affairs w'hich will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquests. A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by_ a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic Government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. ' They were glad, now that they had seen the facts with no veil of false pretence about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world, and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included; for the right of nations, great and small, and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. They had no selfish ends to serve. They desired no conquests, po domination. They sought no indemnities for themselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices they would freely make. They were ibut ono of tho champions of the right of mankind. They would be satisfied when those rights had been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations could make them. President Wilson had said that there might be many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of them. It was a fearful thing to lead a (Treat, peaceful country into war. into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars; civilisation itself * seemed to be in the balance. But the right was more precious than peace, and they would ficht for the things which they had always carried nearest their hearts. —for democracy, for the right of those who_ submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right bv such a concert of free peoples as should bring peace and safety to all nations, and

make the world itself free at last. To such a task they had dedicated their lives and their fortunes, everything that they were and everything that they had, with the pride of those who knew that the day had come when America was privileged to spend her blood and- her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she had treasured. God helping her she could do no other. The speaker then went on to refer to what America was doing in the way of food conservation. He stated that it was made a crime to sell liquor to a man in uniform. He was surprised when in Australia to see so many drunken soldiers there. America had taken over the control of the railroadß, but. he thought as a war measure. The women of America had signed cards pledging themselves to assist by every means in their power the Food Controller, Mr Hoover. Professor Truoblood then referred to the methods which ho thought should be adopted to settle international disputes, and for policing the nations of the world, as explained by him at his lecture before the Otago ExSansion League. He sympathised with Mr ryan, who had now thrown himself wholeheartedly into the prosecution of America's war aims. Mr Bryan said: "There can be but one end to the war—and that was the overthrow of Germany." He. found the desire to support the Government practically universal. If a different impression prevailed anywhere it was based on the faot that newspapers report tho exceptional thing rather than the ordinary thing.. If one man of a thousand uttered some disloyal sentiment the' dislovalty of the one man was announced, while the loyalty of the 999 was not emphasised. The Allies must, of course, win the war; any other end 'was inconceivable. In the words of Mr Lloyd George, we must go on or go under. He hoped that New Zealand would do everything possible—and he knew that no country "had done more than New Zealand —to rid Central Europe of the cruel Hun, so the hereafter of theirs should be a democracy of nations that would be willing to be at peace with each other. ... Professor Trueblood was frrq.ucntlv applauded during the course of his address, and at the conclusion was accorded a vote of thanks on the motion of the chairman.