The Otago Witness. (WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 3, 1917.) THE WEEK.

Otago Witness, Issue 3277, 3 January 1917, Page 35

The Otago Witness.

(WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 3, 1917.) THE WEEK.

WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED THE SOUTHERN MERCURY.

"Nunquam allud natura, allud sapientia dixit." —Juvkxal. "Good nature and good sense must over join."— Pope.

Lord Curzon's message to the Primrose League pithily sums up the

Another Year of War.

outlook for the new year just entered upon: “ It is » > /-v r- i 1 > 1 ✓-> 4- f 1 1 or -f Tl iJi

impossible to say that the end is in sight. It seems likely we must continue well into another year—perhaps, longer—the tragedy that is turning the world into a hell and wrecking the brightest promise of the nations. An inconclusive war with a patched up peace would mean not merely an immediate humiliation, but ultimate destruction.” There will be at least another year of war, waged upon an even more extensive scale, fought with more determination and with greater desperation than ever, and with more elaborate mechanical devices and increased carefulness to prevent casualties and deaths. The entrance upon another year of war makes profitable some slight review of the operations of the past twelve months. The year just closed lias been notable in many respects ; it has seen the deaths of Lord Kitchener and of the Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria ; it has seen the significant Irish rising and a no less significant Ministerial crisis in Great Britain; it has also witnessed one of the most closely contested Presidential elections in the history of the United States; but these events seem to have lost their usual value, owing to the alteration in perspective brought about by the war. The continuous roar of artillery and the daily din of battle has deafened the ears of the world until individuals become of little moment and party cries are of no avail. The thought and action of the entire world has been cast into the crucible, and is now seething and bubbling, red hot with hate and primeval passion, and until the mixture cools it is impossible to declare what new forms the civilisation of the future maj take upon

itself. For the moment the thought and action of both belligerents are set upon winning the war, whilst the neutral nations are vainly longing and hoping for peace. There is a i;msn in which the fighting during 1916 may seem to have been all in favour of the enemy. Germany still holds Belgium and a large portion of Northern France, while Poland, Serbia, and Montenegro still remain in the conqueror's power. And as the new year opens Rumania is being added, bit by bit, to the spoils of the enemy. The British reverse at Kut-el-Amara —not yet avenged—stands to the credit of the Central Powers; Russia is yet far from Constantinople; Italy rs still denied possession of Trieste; Greece continues to play Germany's hand, and the German submarine campaign continues to consign much Allied and neutral shipping to the bottom of the sea. Thus upon the surface there is much to warrant the Kaiser's bombastic boast that " during 1916 the army and navy were victorious in all theatres on land and water, and will also be victorious in 1917." Looking beneath the surface, however, quite another aspect is. revealed, and the fact stands out that at heart Germany knows she is beaten and Britain knows she is victorious. And in the last analysis the light will be fought out and decided by the two Powers.

This consciousness of coming victory pervades the reply which

The Allies' Reply! to the Enemy.

'the Allies have jointly made to Germany’s proposal for

a Peace Conference. If the Kaiser entertained any hope in making such a proposal that' thereby he might detach one or more of the Allied Powers from their loyal allegiance the one to the other he was doomed to grievous disappointment. " The Allied Governments have united," so runs the opening sentence of the reply, '* for the defence of the freedom of the nations; and faithful to their undertaking not to lay down their arms except in common accord, have decided to return a joint answer." This reply covers both the past and the future, and after recalling the several breaches of faith and offences against humanity of which Germany has been found guilty, it proceeds: "Fully conscious of the gravity of the moment and equally conscious of its requirements, the Allies, closely united with one another and in perfect sympathy with their peoples, refuse to consider a proposal which is empty and insincere. Once again the Allies declare that no peace is possible so long as they have not secured reparation for violated rights and liberties, a recognition of the principle of nationalities and of the free existence of small States, and as long as they have not brought about a settlement calculated to end once and for all the forces which constituted a perpetual menace to the nations and affording the only effective guarantees for the future security of the world." This reply, as the British newspapers point out, constitutes a refusal on the part of the Allies to consider any peace proposals until they are in a position to dictate terms to Germany. And the reply also implies that the Allies consider they are able to pursue the war effectively Until they secure the superior position undeniably and beyond controversy. This consciousness of victory is finely exemplified in the concluding paragraph of Fieldmarshal Sir Douglas Haig's despatch, covering the Battle of the Somme: "The enemy's power is not yet broken, nor : s it possible to estimate the period before the objects for which the Allies are fighting will bo attained. But the battle of the Somme has placed beyond doubt the ability of the Allies to gain these objects. -The German army is the mainstay of the Central Powers A full half of that army, despite all the advantages of acting on the offensive, and though supported by the strongest fortifications, suffered defeat on the Somme. Neither victors nor vanquished will forget this, and though the bad weather has given the enemy respite, there will undoubtedly be many thousands in their ranks who will begin the new campaign with little confidence in their ability to resist. Our new army entered the battle with the determination to win and confidence in their power to do so. They have proved to themselves, the enemy, and the world that this confidence is justified. They have learnt in a fierce struggle many valuable lessons which will help them in future."

Tl-l/-. loc-f fsyyy C< ,* ~

The Nesri for National Service.

I U li J r' 11 1 1 11 JUI V.* Cl XI 1(11 i V that the war may be so prolonged as to end in mutual exhaustion, and no decisive

advantage lie gained on either side. The Kaiser's sham peace proposals now thoroughly unmasked, he has no option hut to play for a stale-male and thus avoid the mortification of complete checkmate. If great Britain is to .secure victory, it can only ho by a disposition on the part of the people of the Empire to grasp the idea of universal national service; or in other words, the subordination of all private enterprise and interest to the needs of the State. The control of the liquor traffic is a case In point ; and the subject has two sides—the one being that alcohol is needed in ever increasing quantities for war purposes ; the other that the drink traffic, unless rigidly restricted in its operations, militates greatly against the efficiency of the individual, and thus tends to prolong the war and retard victory. It thus becomes imperative that alcohol be retained for national service, and be largely deprived of its power to minister either to the pleasure or the profit of the individual. To this end the Minister of Munitions has appointed a committee to consider the best means to he adopted to secure adequate supplies of alcohol for war purposes, and this in consideration of the fact that the essential requirements —munitions, transport, and air services—have materially increased. Side by side with this consideration comes the revival of Mr Lloyd George’s scheme—originally propounded in 1915 —for the nationalisa-

lion of the liquor traffic of Great Britain. The scheme was abandoned when it was first proposed two years ago, because the Cabinet was divided on the subject, and partly because of its controversial nature and partly because of financial difficulties it was withdrawn. The sum mentioned is the eo-:t of such nationalisation in England and Wales alone is the huge one of £300,000,000, and there are Scotland and Ireland also to be considered. With an increase of the National Debt already amounting to £1,000,000,000, it may be questioned whether Parliament and* the people will face so large an additional expenditure, and yet it is evident that some restriction is needed in the interests

of victory and early peace. Many a Government has come to grief in" an attempt to deal with the liquor problem. If Mr Lloyd George is able to settle satisfactorily this exceedingly difficult question, it will be a sure proof of his power and of the stability of his Government. Here is a test issue, and if the new Prime Minister can conquer the liquor traffic and dictate the terms of that surrender, there need be no doubt of his ability to bring the Kaiser to his knees and to make aD end of Prussian militarism.