TO WIN THE WAR.

Otago Witness, Issue 3276, 27 December 1916, Page 14

TO WIN THE WAR.

ME LLOYD GEOEGE'S HISTORIC SPEECH.

ORGANISING Fo£ NATIONAL RESOURCES.

REPLY TO GERMANY'S PEACE KITE.

(By Cable.)

LONDON, December 19. Crowds assembled in Parliament street and Palace yard and watched the arrival of members, who came before noon to appropriate seats. The House was crowded in every corner—galleries and gangways were overflowing and the peers' gallery was packed. Mr Massey and Sir. Joseph Ward were in the Distinguished Stranger* Gallery, where also were representatives of France, Italy, Belgium, and neutral countries, including Mr Page, Ambassador for the United States. The strangers' gal lery contained more khaki than civilian dress, and women waited for hours in the corridor behind the ladies' gallery. Mr Lloyd George entered, looking pale, his illness having not yet been shaken off. He was greeted with loud cheers from all sides. Cheers also greeted Mr Asquith and xMr Bonar Law. For the first time '"n his career Mr Lloyd George confronted Mr Asquith, with whom were some fragments of his late Cabinet. It was a remarkable scene. It was the little Welsh lawyer's day of triumph. Mr Lloyd George took the floor amid renewed cheering. His early sentences about the peace offer and his declaration that swashbuckling through the streets of Europe must be stopped and trust reposed in an unbroken army rather than m broken faith at once brought him into close sympathy with his hearers, and so the speech proceeded. Mr Lloyd George said he appeared before the House with the most terrible responsibilities that could fall on the shoulders of any living man—as chief adviser to the Crown in the most gigantic war in which the country had ever engaged, a war upon the events of which its destiny depended. It was the greatest war ever waged, and its burdens were the heaviest ever cast on this or any other country, while the issues were the gravest ever attached to any conflict in which humanity had been involved. The responsibilities of the new Government had been suddenly accentuated by the recent, declaration of the German Chancellor, and the statement made by the latter in the Reichstag had been followed by a Note, which had been presented to us by the United States without comment. A FIRM REFUSAL. Continuing his speech, Mr Lloyd George said : " An answer to the German Note will be given by the Government in full accord with our brave allies. Naturally there has been between the Allies an interchange of views—not upon the Note, because it has only recently arrived, but upon the speech in the Reichstag which -propelled it; and inasmuch as the Note itself is practically only a reproduction or certainly paraphrase of that speech, the subject matter of the Note itself has been discussed formally, and I am very glad to be able to state, that we have each arrived at an identical conclusion. lam very glad that the first answer was given by France and Russia, fo rthey have unquestionably the right to give the first answer to such an invitation, for the enemy are still on their soil, and their sacrifices have been greater. That answer has already been published, and on behalf of the Government I give clear and definite support to it.

" Accepting the German Chancellor's invitation, -what are the proposals? There are none. To enter a conference on the invitation of a Germany proclaiming herself victorious and without any knowledge of the proposals she proposes to make -.s to put our heads into a noose with the rope ends in Germany's hands. This country is not altogether without experience in these matters. This is not the first time we have fought a great military despotism overshadowing Europe, and it will not be the first time we have helped to overthrow military despotism. We can recall one of the greatest of these despots how, when he had a purpose to serve for the working of his nefarious schemes, his favourite device was to appear in the guise of an angel of peace. " Any man or set of men who wantonly or without sufficient cause prolonged the terrible conflict would have on his soul a crime that oceans could not cleanse. On the other hand, it was equally true that any man or set of men who from a sense of weariness or despair abandoned the struggle without achieving the highest purpose for which we entered it would have been guilty of the

COSTLIEST ACT OF POLTROONERY ever perpetrated by any statesman. I would like to quote the words of Abraham Lincoln under similar conditions. We accepted this war for an object, and a world object, and the war will end when that object has been attained. Under God, I hope it will never end until that time, Are we likely to achieve that object? Mr Lloyd George continued: "The Prussian militarist usually appears under those conditions when ho wishes for time to assimilate his conquests or reorganise his forces for fresh conquests; or, secondly, when his subjects show symptoms of fatigue or war weariness. An appeal is always made in the name of humanity. He demands that an end be put to the bloodshed, at which he professes himself horrified, but for which he himself was mainly responsible. Our ancestors were taken in once, and bitterly they and

Furope rue it. The time was devoted to reorganising his forces for a deadlier attack than ever upon the liberties of Europe. " Examples of that kind cause us to regard this Note with a considerable measure of reminiscent disquietude. " We feel we ought to know before wo can give favourable consideration to such an invitation that Germany is prepared to accede to the only terms upon which it is possible that peace can be obtained and maintained in Europe. These terms have been repeatedly stated by all the leading statesmen of the Allies. Mr Asquith has stated them repeatedly. It is important that there should be no mistake. It is a matter of life and death to millions. Therefore I will repeat them again, namely:

COMPLETE RESTITUTION, FULL REPARATION. EFFECTUAL GILA RANTEES

"Did the German Chancellor use a single phrase indicating that he is prepared to accept such a peace? The very substance and stymie of the speech constitute a denial of peace on the only terms upon which it is possible. He is not even conscious now that Germany has committed any offence against the right of free nations. Listen to this, from the Note : " ' Not for an instant have the Central Powers swerved from the conviction that respect of the rights of other nations is not in any degree compatible with their own rights and legitimate interest.' ■

" When did they discover that there Avas the respect for the rights of other nations in Belgium and Serbia? That was selfdefence, I suppose, menaced by the overwhelming armies of Belgium and Serbia."' " I suppose the Germans had been rather intimidated into invading Belgium, burning ' cities and villages, massacring thousands of inhabitants and carrying the survivors in bondage, carrying them into slavery, and this at the moment this Note was being written about an unswerving conviction- as respects the rights of other nations. Are these outrages in the legitimate interest of Germany? He must know that this is

NOT THE MOMENT FOR PEACE, - if excuses of this kind for palpable crimes can be put forward two years and a-half after their exposure by grim facts. ''As to the guarantee, is there—l ask in all solemnity—any guarantee that a similar subterfuge will not be used m future to overthrow any treaty of peace you enter into with the Prussian militarist? This Note and this speech prove that not yet have they learned the very alphabet of respect for the rights of others. Without reparation PEACE IS IMPOSSIBLE. "Are all these outrages against humanity on land and sea to be liquidated by a few pious phrases about humanity? Is there to be no reckoning for them? Are we to grasp the hand that perpetrated these atrocities in friendship without any reparation being tendered or given? Germany leaves us to exact damage for all future violence committed after the war.

"We . have already begun to do so. It has cost us much. We must exact it now so as not to leave such a grim inheritance to our children. Much as we all long for peace; deeply as we are horrified at the war, this Note and the speech which heralded it do not afford much encouragement or hope for an honourable and lasting peace. What hope is given in the speech that the whole root and cause of this great bitterness—the arrogant spirit of the Prussian military caste —will not be as dominant as ever if we patch up peace now?"—(Cheers.) After pointing out that the speech in which the peace proposals were suggested resounded with the boast of Prussian military triumph, Mr Lloyd George declared : " "We must keep a steadfast eye upon the purpose for which we entered the war; otherwise the great sacrifices we are making will be in vain." " The German Note states that it ?s for the defence of their existence and freedom for the national development of the Central Powers that they were constrained to take up arms. Such phrases defeat even thosa who pen them. They are intended to delude the German nation into supporting the designs of the Prussian military caste. Who ever wished to put an end to Germany's national existence or the freedom of their national development? We welcomed their development as long as it was on the paths of peace. The Allies entered the war io defend Europe against the aggression of Prussian military domination, and, having begun, they must insist that the only end is a most COMPLETE AND EFFECTIVE GUARANTEE

against the possibility of that caste ever again disturbing tho peace of Europe. Prussia since she got into the hands of that caste has been a bad neighbour—arrogant, threatening, bullying, shifting boundaries at her will, taking one fair field after another from weaker neighbours. With her belt ostentatiously full of weapons, offensive, and ready at a moment's notice to use them, she has always

been an unpleasant, disturbing neighbour in Europe. It is difficult for those living thousands of miles away to understand what this has meant to itho.se living hear her. Even here, with the protection of the broad seas between us, we know'What a disturbing factor the Prussians were, with their constant naval menace; but even we can hardly realise what it has meant to France and Russia. " Now that war has been forced by the Prussian military leaders upon France, Russia, Italy, and ourselves, it would be cruel folly not to see to it that this swashbuckling through the streets of Europe, to the disturbance of all harmless and peaceful citizens, shall be dealt with now as an offence against the law of nations." Great Britain never appeared at her best except when confronted with real danger. Let us for a moment look at the worst. The Rumanian blunder was unfortunate, but at the worst it prolongs the war—it does not alter the fundamental facts of the war. I cannot help hoping that it may even have salutary effects in calling the attention of the Allies to pbvious defects in the Allies' organisation, so that each may be but an organisation of the whole. If it does that 1 , and braces them to a fresh effort, it may prove, bad as it is, a blessing. That fa the worst. It has been A REAL SET-BACK. It is the one cloud—the darkest cloud. It appeared on a clearing horizon. We are doing our best to make it impossible that that disaster should lead to worse. That is why we have taken, during the last few days, very strong action with Greece. We mean to take no risks there. We decided to take definite, decisive action, and I think it has succeeded.

".We have decided to recognise the agents-of that great Greek statesman, M. Venizelos. —(Cheers.) " I should like to say a word about the lessons taught by the lighting on the western fiont —about the significance of the whole of that great struggle. It is full of encouragement and hope. We have

AX ABSOLUTELY NEW ARMY. The old one had done its duty and spent itself in the achievement of that great task. This is a new army. But a year ago it was ere in the earth of Britain—yea, and of Ireland. It has become iron. —(Cheers.) It lias passed through a fiery furnace. The enemy knows that it is now fine steel. This new army—new men, new officers, a general new to this kind of work—faced the greatest army in the world, the best equipped and best trained, and has beaten it.—(Loud cheers.) Battle after battle, day after day, week after week, in the strongest entrenchments ever devised by human skill, they have driven them out by valour incredible. That is something which gives us hope. It fills us all .with pride in the nation to which we belong. It is a fact full of significance for us and for the foe.—(Cheers.) The enemy has seen that army grow under his very eyes. They are becoming veterans. Therefore, basing our confidence on these facts, I am as convinced as I ever was of ultimate victory if the nation proves as steady and valorous, as ready to sacrifice, learn, and endure as that great army on the Somme." —(Loud cheers.) The Prime Minister proceeded to refer to the new Government, remarking that he was anxious to avoid all issues that would excile irritation, controversy, or disunion. It must not be assumed that he accepted as complete the account which had been given of the way in which the Government had been formed. He was convinced that the controversies of the past would not help as regards the future. Therefore, so far as he was concerned, he placed them on one side. Mr L'.oyd George proceeded to speak of the universal character and composition of the Government as the executive body of the House. He realised that there had been a separation between the functions of the Prime Minister and the Leader of the House, because these two offices were more than one man could undertake.

Regarding production, Mr Lloyd George said that every available square yard must be made to produce food. All who had the opportunity must regard it ao a duty to the State to assist in producing and contributing to the common stock. If this were done we should have food, without any privation, without any want, everybody having plenty of the best and healthiest food. That meant sacrifices, but what were these sacrifices? Talk to the man who had returned from the Somme, where men had been through the haunting wretchedness of a winter campaign. They would know something about what those gallant men were enduring for the country. Previous administrations had been peace structures, organised for a different purpose under different conditions. Craft suitable for a river or a canal were not exactly the kind of vessel for the high seas. He was not here referring to the last Cabinet, but to the old system of Cabinet, where the heads of every department were represented inside the Cabinet. He was convinced that the new form of Government was the best for war time, where quick decision was necessary above everything. He declared that the Allies suffered

DISASTER AFTER DISASTER through their tardiness of decisive action. " You cannot/' he said, " run a war with a Sanhedrin ; that was the meaning of a Cabinet of five., and one of its members doing sentry duty outside. It had been suggested that there was a danger of lack of co-ordination, but he pointed out that it was the old practice to have the heads of departments outside the Cabinet, and whenever anything was considered in connection with that particular department the head of that department could attend the Executive Committee and discuss th© problems requiring solution. He thought this was a very effective practice, and waa much better —especially in time of wax—than keeping men away from their departments discussing things which did not directly concern them. He emphasised that there would be no distinction between the old War Committee and the War Cabii

pet. There was not the slightest attempt to derogate in any particular from the complete cortroi of Parliament, which must always be supreme." Mr Lloyd George stated that the Government was investigating the French system, whereby Ministers had to appear before a Parliamentary Committee, where questions could be asked them and they could give an account which they would Hot care to give to the public. It was possible that they might refer the matter to Parliament for settlement :.

Coming to the work of the Government, Mr Lloyd George referred to the Ministry of Labour. He said he hoped this department would not confine itself merely tp the settlement of disputes, but hoped It would become in a real sense a Ministry, with the wellbeing of labour in its charge. Mr Lloyd George said he hoped the department would take a leading part in assisting in the mobilisation of labour for the purposes of the war. With regard to shipping, he emphasised that it was never so vital to the life of the nation as at present. The Government felt that the time had come to

TAKE COMPLETE CONTROL of all ship 3 in Great Britain and place them practically in the same position as the railways, so that during the war the shipping would be nationalised in the real sense of the term. The prodigious profits made out of freights contributed largely to the high cost of commodities, and made it difficult for the Government to induce organised labour to give up its privileges. The undue and extravagant profits of the Shipping were intolerable in war time. Sir Joseph Maclay was conferring with the Admiralty and the Shipping Control Committee, and he (Mr Lloyd George) hoped to be soon able to inform the House of the plans recommended, not only for the more effective utilisation of the ships already on the register but also the speedy construction of more ships to replace the wastage. Regarding the coal mines, the Government felt that it ought to assume more direct control over the whole industry. The food problem was undoubtedly serious, and would be grave unless not merely the Government but the nation was prepared to grapple with it courageously ■without loss of time. He pointed out that the available harvest of the world had failed. The surplus available for export from Canada and the United States had diminished to a disastrous extent. The Argentine promised badly, Russian wheat ■was not available, and Australian meant almost prohibitive transport. Our own harvest was poor, and he did not believe more than three-eighths of the usual, sowing had taken place.

ORGANISING POLICY. LONDON, December 20. Touching upon the difficulties confronting Britain in the matter of food supplies and control, Mr Lloyd George said: "The problem is a double one—namely, distribution and production. Respecting both, we must call upon the people of the country to make real sacrifices, but their essential sacrifices will be equal.— (Cheers.) Over-consumption by the affluent must not be allowed to create a shortage for the less well-to-do." He hoped he could appeal to the men, and women of all ranks to play the game. —(Cheers.) Unless the whole nation helped we could accomplish nothing. The whole nation jnust assist to distribute its resources. There must be no man, woman, or child "Who had to suffer hunger because someone else was getting too much. —(Cheers.) " You cannot have absolute equality of sacrifice unless the nation as a whole places its comforts, its luxuries, its indulfences, and its elegances on a national ltar, consecrated by such sacrifices as our heroes hare made. Let us proclaim 'during the war

A NATONAL LENT; the nation will be better and stronger for it mentally, morally, and physically.— (Cheers.) Our armie3 might drive the enemy from the battered villages in France and across the devastated plains of Belg'um; they might hurl them across the hine in battered disarray; but unless the nation as' a whole shoulders its part of the burden of victory, it may not profit by the triumph. For it is not what a nation gains, it is what a nation gives, that fcakes it great. It is intolerable that any section should be permitted to make exceptional profits out of these sacrifices. Much was done by the late Administration to arrest unfair private profiteering, but the Government has come to the conclusion not to ask the nation for more sacrifices without even more drastic steps yet being taken." After outlining what has already been 'done to meet the situation, the Prime Minister stated that Mr Bonar Law and others were now carefully examining the problem, and he hoped to be able to make an announcement shortly. The course the Government intended to adopt was quite clear. The nation must, bo asked to make further sacrifices in order to win the war. The road must be cleared by action of this kind. MOBILISATION OF LABOUR,

The Prime Minister next turned to the Juastion of the mobilisation of our labour eserves, without which, let there bo no mistake, we should not be able to pull tturough. Thi3 mvsla a question not of yeara but of months, and perhaps weeks. Unless the labour of the country was used to the best advantage, and unless every man was called upon to render such service to the State as he can best give, victory was beyond our reach. The problem was a difficult one, even to complete what load already been done. He maintained mat the Government ought to have power to say that every man not taken into the Army, whatever his position or rank, should really be employed on work of jbational importance. At present there Wore only those men who were fit for milipaij service and had not established a

claim for exemption upon whom the nation could call. The unfit man and the exempted man were surely undeT the same moral obligation, but still thero was no mean 3of enforcing it. With this imperfect organisation of our industrial manpower wo were called upon to confront an enemy who had not only exercised their full and undoubted right over their own population, but introduced a practice hitherto unknown in civilised warfare of removing the civilian inhabitants from occupied territory to make good the shortage of labour in their own factories. We must make a swift and effective answer to Germany's latest mood.

" As the months go by," the speaker continued, " the cost of war increases, and our purchases from neutral countries become more difficult to finance. Yet there are thousands of men occupied in industries which consume our wealth at home and they do nothing to strengthen our credit abroad; but we have no power to transfer them from employment where they are merely wasting strength to employments where they could increase it. We have not even the organisation necessary for utilising them as volunteers. These powers we must take; this organisation we must complete."—(Cheers.) The Prime Minister pointed out in this connection the difficulty regarding agriculture for want of skilled men. Despite this fact,- he believed there were hundreds of thousands of people who, if they could be utilised to the best advantage, could pro duce great quantities of food in this coun' try. In this connection schemes of very great magnitude had been formulated, and were in course of being put into operation. They would involve great, local organisations throughout the country, and he thought Mr Asquith would be very satisfied when he saw them. This matter had been considered by the War Committee of the late Government, who unanimously decided that the time had come for the adoption of the principle of UNIVERSAL NATIONAL SERVICE.

The present Government and the War Cabinet had unanimously adopted this conclusion. Ho believed they were plans which made secure to every worker all he had a right to ask for. In order to do 7 this he proposed to appoint immediately a Director of National Service, who would be in charge of both the military and civil side of universal national service. But the civil and military sides of this directory would be entirely separate. There would be a military and a civil director responsible to the Director of National Service. The military director would be responsible for recruiting for the army. It w.as not proposed to make any change in recruiting for military service, but as regards civilian service it was proposed that the directory of national service proceed by a schedule of industries and of services, according to their essential character, during the war.

Certain industries would be regarded as indispensable, and the departments concerned would indent upon the Director of National Service for the labour required for those services. All other services would be " rationed" in such matters as labour, raw material, and power. The labour that was set free from these nonessential and rationed industries -would be available to set free potential soldiers, who are at present exempted from military service, and to increase the available supply of labour for essential services. This labour would be invited to enrol at once, and would be registered as war workers, on lines analagous, and with similar provisions as to rates of pay and separation allowances. He had i\o doubt, when it wa3 realised how essential to the life of the nation it was that the services of every man should be put to the best use, that we would secure an adequate supply of these volunteers. The Government was taking immediate steps to secure by this means the men it wanted, and the classification of industries and the institution of enrolment as volunteers would begin as soon as may be. If it were found impossible to get the numbers required, the Government would not hesitate to come to Parliament and ask members to release it from the pledge given in other circumstances, and to obtain the necessary power for rendering its plans fully effective. The nation was

FIGHTING FOR ITS LIFE, and was entitled to the best services of all its sons.

Mr Lloyd George then announced that the Government had induced the Lord Mayor of Birmingham to accept the position of Director-general under this scheme, and he would immediately proceed to organise this great new system of enrolment for industrial purposes. He hoped that before Parliament resumed he would be able to report that they were able to mobilise the whole labour strength of the country for war purposes. THE IRISH QUESTION.

Turning to the Irish question, Mr Lloyd George said he wished it were possible to remove the misunderstanding between Britain and Ireland. He would regard that as a great victoiy for the allied forces, and as something that would give strength to our armies and to our allies. He was convinced now that it was a misunderstanding, partly racial and partly religious, which it wa3 to the interest of both to have removed; but there seemed to have been some evil chance that had frustrated every effort made for the achievement of better relations. He had tried once, but had not succeeded. The fault was not entirely on one side. He had felt the whole time that we were moving in an atmosphere of nervous suspicion and distrust, pervasive and universal, of everything and everybody. He was drenched with suspicion of Irishmen by Englishmen, and of Englishmen by Irishmen, and, worse and most fatal of all, tho suspicion of Irishmen by Irishmen. It was

A QUAGMIRE OF DISTRUST, which clogged tho footstep 3 of progress. That was the real enemy of Ireland. If it could be slain he believed it would accomplish an act of reconciliation and make both Ireland and Britain greater, make the

United Kingdom an Empire greater than ever they were before. Speaking for himself and his colleagues, they would strive to produce that better feeling which was essentia-1 to the solution of the Irish problem. Ho ashed men of all races, creeds, and faith to help the Government not to solva a political question, but to help to do something that would be a real contribution to winning the war.

APPEAL TO THE DOMINIONS. After paying a high tribute to the enormous and incalculable services of our navv not merely to the Empire, but to the whole allied cause, he came to the question of the dominions. Ministers had repeatedly been acknowledging the splendid assistance the dominions had given of their own free will to the Old Country in its championship of the cause of humanity, great ideals, national fairplay, and justice. He appealed to the dominions just as insistently as to Britain. The dominions recognised throughout that the fight was not a selfish one, and that the quarrel was not merely European, but that great world issues were involved, with which their children wero as concerned as ours. The new Government was as full of gratitude as the old for the super-valour which our kinsmen had shown on so many stricken fields. But that was not why he introduced the subject. The reason was that the Government felt the time had come when the dominions ought to be more formally consulted as to the progress and course of the war, and the steps that ought to be taken to secure victory, and the best methods of garnering in those fruits. The Government proposed, therefore, at an early, date to summon AN IMPERIAL CONFERENCE, and place the whole position before the dominions, and take counsel of them as to what further action they and we should take together in order to achieve an early and complete triumph of the ideals they and we have so superbly fought for. RELATIONS WITH OUR ALLIES. Dealing with our relations) with our allies, Mr Lloyd George said : We had already achieved unity of aim, but when it came to a question of unity of action he still thought a good deal was left to be desired. He had only got to refer' to Rumania, and each man could spell out for himself what he meant. The enemy had two supreme advantages—they could act on internal lines, and there was one great dominant Power that poetically directed the enemy's forces. Wo possessed neither of these advantages, therefore we must achieve the same end by other means. The advantages the Allies possessed were advantages which time would improve. No one could say that we had made the best of that time. There had been tardiness of decision and action. There must be some means of arriving at a quicker and readier decision as to carrying them out, and he believed it could be done. There must be more real consultation between the men who had the direction of affairs, and less feeling that each country had got only its own front to look after. The policy of A COMMON FRONT

must be a reality. The enemy realised this policy, and we must secure- it more and more, instead of having overwhelming guns on one side and bare breasts, though gallant breasts, on the other. That was essential for tlhe Allies and for the curtailment of that period before victory arrived.

These were the issues he wanted to keep in front of the nation, so that we should not falter or faint in our resolves. There was a time in every prolonged and fierce war when there was a passion to wage the conflict, but there was a tendency for men to forget the high purpose with which we entered it. This was a struggle for international right and international good faith —the channel along which peace, honour, and goodwill must flow amongst men. The embankments laboriously built up for generations against barbarism had been broken, and had not the might of Britain passed into the breach Europe would have been inundated with a flood of savaaery and unbridled lust of power. " Plain sense; fairplay amongst nations; the growth of international conscience; the protection of the weak against the strong by stronger; the consciousness that justice has a more powerful backing in the world than greed ; the knowledge that any outrage upon fair dealing between nations, great or small, will meet with prompt and merited chastisement, these constitute a causeway along which humanity is progressing slowly to higher things. The triumph of Prussia would sweep all away and leave mankind to struggle helpless in a morass. That is why. since the war began, I know but one political aim. For that I have fought with a single eye. That is the rescue of mankind from the most overwhelming catastrophe that ever menaced its well-being."

A PERSONAL NOTE. Mr Lloyd George said that he would conclude on a personal note. He might say in all sincerity that it was one of the regrets of his life to have to part from Mr Asquith. Some of hi 3 friends knew how he strove to avert it. For years he had served under Mr Asquith, and never was there a more kindlier or more indulgent chief. Any faults of temper were entirely his own. It was with deep and genuine grief that he felt it necessary to tender his resignation, but there were moments when personal and party considerations must sink, and if he had paid scant heed to the call of party during the war it was because he realised, from the moment the Prussian cannon hurled death at a peaceable and inoffensive little country, that a challenge had been sent. MR ASQUITH'S CONGRATULATIONS. A MANLY, PATRIOTIC SPEECH. Mr Asquith was loudly cheered as he rose to speak. He heartily congratulated Mr Lloyd George on attaining the Premiership. Mr Asquith re-eohoed Mr Lloyd George's disclaimer of party ties, and said

he himself did not claim leadership of the Opposition, because no Opposition existed; nor did he speak as leader of the Liberals. He desired to give the Government all the support possible and the benefit of hi 3 experience. Though he felt unspeakably relieved at being able to cast off the almost insupportablo burdens of office, ho regretted being compelled to leave unfinished the task whereon for so long he had strenuously worked. Though there had doubtless been errors of judgment and of method, he emphatically denied that the late Government had been guilty of slackness, want of thoroughness, or lack of whole-heartedness. It was impossible in war time to reply to irresponsible mudslingers or to honest, patriotic onlookers. He would rest content, when the facts were disclosed, to leave his Government's and his own part to the judgment of history.

Mr Asquith proceeded to review the British contribution to the war as regards the army, the navy, and finance. Much had been done to minimise the results of the enemy's violation cf the laws of maritime warfare. He believed the arming of merchantmen was the best safeguard. Evidence existed that the blockade of Germany was sapping German vitality by turning the thoughts of the German people towards peace. Ho considered the" prospect regarding finance and transport as serious, but it did not justify misgivings, still less alarm; but the problems would not bo solved by short cuts and coups de main, as outside critics imagined. He agreed with Mr .Lloyd George's opinion that Rumania had been a bad business; hut it was impossible and undesirable at present to apportion the responsibility. It only illustrated the necessity for more intimate co-operation among the allied staffs and politicians, which was geographically a difficult matter. If Mr Lloyd George could devise more expeditious communications it would render the greatest possible service to the Allies' cause.

Mr Asquith paid a tribute to our Somme armies and Sir Douglas Haig's generalship. The primary object of the Somme operations was to relieve Verdun, which for months had been the principal objective of German strategy. The loss of Verdun would have been the greatest blow to the Allies' cause in the war.

Mr Asquith asked why Germany, when professedly confident of victory, had begun to utter suggestions for peace. It was not through chivalry; it was born of military and economic necessity. He did not see the slightest reason to believe that Germany was prepared to give reparation and security, but if she was prepared to do so, let her say so. Germany wanted us to enter blindfold into negotiations leading to nothing. A peace worthy of tho name could come on only one condition—viz., atonement must be made for past wrongs, the weak and down-trodden must be restored, and faith in ti'eaties and the sovereignty of public law and security must be enthroned over the nations of tho world.

MR REDMOND'S EULOGY. Mr Redmond eulogised the patriotism, reticence, and magnanimity of Mr Asquith's speech. On behalf of Ireland he assured the Government that it could rely on the support of the Irish party in any policy which the latter believed to be calculated to speedily and victoriously end the war. But he did not mean that the Prime Minister could count on a blind, unquestioning support. He had heard Mr Lloyd George's references to Ireland with the deepest disappointment. They were vague, indefinite, and lacking in that quality of quick decision which they had been led to expect. The Irish question was as urgent as the war problem, and the Irish party's attitude must depend on the Government's action thereon. Mr Lloyd George had suggested neither a palliative nor a true remedy. Mr Redmond urged the immediate withdrawal of martial law and the release of untried prisoners as the means best calculated to create a better atmosphere. Drift was the worst possible policy. The Government should take the initiative. He warned it against imposing conditions regarding recruiting and conscription. The time was ripe for bold and drastic* action. THE HOUSE OF LORDS. In the House of Lords, Lord Curzon made a statement on similar lines to the Prime Minister's. He did not, he said, regard the coalition as a failure. Germany's success against Rumania was not as great as she claimed, and our attitude should not be one of despondence or alarm. Lord Crewe generally approved the Government policy. The late Government could have easily lost the war in a month by doing some things pressed on it from certain quarters, and he feared the same thing would be true now. * Lord Courtney did not believe our ends were attainable by military operations. We should regard Chancellor von Beth-mann-Hollweg's speech more sympathetically. MOBILISATION OF LABOUR. LONDON, December 20. Mr Lloyd George has secured the trade •unionist approval of the Mobilisation of Labour Bill, which is necessary to give effect" 1 to hi 3 proposals. The only opposition expected is that of extreme syndicalists and pacifists. Mr Lloyd George, referring to the constitution of the Ministry, said it was a franker and fuller recognition of the partnership of Labour. They realised that it was impossible to conduct the war without getting the complete and unqualified support of Labour, and were also anxious to obtain Labour's assistance and counsel for the conduct of the war. A NATIONAL ENDORSEMENT. The Times, in a leading article, says that Mr Lloyd George's wax programme completely reflects Britain's resolves and

wishes. The nation endorses the vast men mentous programme, and is gladly follows ing tho lead.

ORGANiSiNC AGRICULTURE LONDON, December 20. Mr R. E. Prothero, Minister of Agriculture, addressing the Agricultural Com. mittee in London, said the department had prepared a scheme for the fullest utilisation of land, and was supplying every county with a list of essential products and the quantities it wa3 desirable to grow. A survey would be carried out in every county for compulsory acquisition if necessary. Farmers would be empowered to plough gra-ss land. It was proposed to fix the contract price of wheat at 69s per quarter. County committees would be asked to ascertain the number of men in every village willing to grow potatoes, ano> the War Office had promised that It will not call up more agricultural workers at present. He hoped to similarly organise an economical scheme of pig-breeding. Mr Prothero said there would not ba any fiddling with the maximum or minimum price of wheat. If tho price went abov* 50s the farmer would lose; if it went, below he would gain. The Government would shortly announce the prices of oat/ and barlev.