UNITY OF LABOUR.

Otago Witness, Issue 3101, 20 August 1913, Page 13

UNITY OF LABOUR.

INTERVIEW WITH MR R. SEMPLE

THE RIGHT TO STRIKE

Mr Robert Semple, organiser for the New Zealand Federation of Labour, arrived in Dunedin on the Isth fxx>m Christchurch, the object of his visit being to carry on a caixxpaigxx of organisation which ho is conducting throughout the dominion. Mr Semple has just concluded a visit to Christchurch of some weeks’ duration, and will remain here for a couple of weeks. During that time he will address meetings of the various unions and also one or two public meetings. After visiting Invercargill he will proceed north to tlxc remaining centres.

Mr Semple was interviewed by a Daily Times reporter, the chief object of the interview being to ascertain how the unity proposals that were carried by the July Labour Congress were being received by the Labour organisations: Questioned on this point, Mr Semple replied that so far the proposals had been very favourably received. Ho had just concluded three weeks’ active work in Christchurch, he said, during which he addressed somewhere about 30 meetings, some of them being composed of the members of the most important unions in Canterbury. His efforts tlrroughout bad been crowned with success, all the union meetings, and the two public meetings, which he addressed, being unanimous in adopting the proposals, and heartily endorsing the decisions of the Unity Congress. All the unions in Christchurch had accepted the proposals, as also had all the miners, and the groat majority of the waterside workers.

Mr Semple is dealing more particularly with tile industrial side of the question, and is explaining the form of organisation which has emerged from the congress. He explained that it was proposed, to put it shortly, to organise along the lines of industry. For instance, all the workers engaged in the transport industry will be organised into one national transport workers’ industrial organisation. “We are called Syndicalists by a great number of people who know no better,” said Mr Semple, breaking off a little from tho thread of his story, “ but wo did not adopt the methods of tho Syndicalists organisations. The Syndicalists are antipoliticalwe are not anti-political. We believe that tho first thing essential in this country is to organise tho worker on tho job. Have his industrial organisations well marshalled and his industrial strength will then become manifest at the ballot box at election time. In other words, if we have an intelligent industrial democracy, that democracy will manifest its power politically. There is qu’to a misunderstanding in connection with the strike clause agreed to by tho congress, some people contending that tho National Executive of the United Federation of Labour will have complete power to call strikes when and where it likes. That is incorrect. Under the present form of organisation the most disastrous thing to the community and to the unions themselves is the crafts strike. Such a strike is mostly created on the impulse of the moment without serious and cool deliberation. The strike is created by a small section of the particular industry without in any way consulting the main body of tho workers engaged throughout the dominion in that particular industry. The congress had first to consider whether :t was possible to bring down some proposal whereby tho strike could be done away with. There has been no government in' the world and no body of men that has so far brought down such a proposal. The congress found it impossible to do that, the strike being inherent in tho very social system. Where there is a privileged class upon tho one hand and tho great bulk of the people dependent upon it on the other hand the strike will exist so long as tho interests of those two sections remain in conflict. Wliat the congress had to do was to consider the most intelligent way to prevent useless comic opera strikes or to deal with strikes when they occurred. The strike clause, which was adopted, dealt effectively with that question. Mr Semple proceeded to describe the working of the strike clause, which, ho contended, dealt effectively with that question. Under the new system it was laid down, ho explained, that no craft in trouble had any right to strike till it consulted the rest of tho people connected with the industry. For example, if there were four or five unions in Dunedin connected with tho transport industry they would form between them a board or council, and the union in trouble would consult that board when it failed to effect a settlement of its trouble. If the board failed to effect a settlement it had no power to strike, but must consult the national executive of tho transport workers’ industry, and the two would then use their combined efforts to promote a settlement. Failing again to meet with success, they could not strike, hut must seek the co-operation of the national executive of tho United Federation of Labour, which would make a final effort to obtain a settlement. This national executive was composed of representatives from tho eleven different industries listed on the federation’s chart—one from each industry. Tho course to be followed would bo considered by tho national executive and the workers involved, if they so wish the latter might have a secret ballot. “ Congress never repudiated or expressed an opinion against the secret ballot,” continued Mr Semple, “ but to blindly pledge ourselves to take a ballot upon all questions would be imposing an injustice upon the workers of the country. It is not the intention of the United Federation of Labour to create strikes if it is possible to prevent them, hut wo are making an honourable effort to deal with the strike in a sane and rational fashion- Congress, however, rightly reserved the right to strike as a final reserve. That right we will never relinquish. If all disputes go through tho channels an suggested in tho strike clause, I venture to say that 90 per cent, of the strikes will be settled, ns they will receive the cool judgment of men who are not on the spot where the trouble ia created, and can deliberate calmly. So far as the general strike bogey is concerned,” concluded the speaker, ‘‘there ia no danger. When tho workers are well enough organised to bring about a general strike they \yill have no need for one.”