TRUTH ABOUT SYNDICALISM.

Otago Witness, Issue 3098, 30 July 1913, Page 75

TRUTH ABOUT SYNDICALISM.

AS TOLD BY SOCIALIST, SYNDICALIST, AND TORY. Syndicalism relies upon direct action instead of parliamentary reform. Its rise is duo to impatience with the slowness of social reform. The rich are getting richer, and the poor are faced with rising prices and the threat of unemployment. About one person in 40 is a pauper. True, the well-organised trades have their unions, but that only concerns skilled labourers in particular spheres of work. One can understand the impatience of a starving man with the present go-as-you-. please social system. Poverty Not Individual.— The case is put admirably by Mr Philip 'Snowden in “ Socialism and Syndicalism - ’ (Nation’s Library; Is net), a book that must lie read by all those who value lucid, earnest statement, free from the bitter class warfare that brings the progressive into contempt with thinking men. He shows that nowadays it does not sufiice to be thrifty and honest. A thiiitv man’s savings are eaten up by the dragon of unemployment. Poverty is not a result of individual hut of collective folly. Of course, a-drunken waster or spendthrift succumbs first. But no reader of Mr Snowden’s book, whether he be Tory or Liberal or non-party, can remain unconvinced that the problems of our society demand collective solution of one kind or another. The Syndicalist Claim.— When Mr Snowden pa.'fed the “proofs” of his book he was not in possession of the very latest Syndicalist work which has just arrived. Therefore ho is right in laying stress upon the vague nature of Syndicalist claims: Syndicalists have now repudiated the claim that these industries shall be owned by the workers in the separate industries. The idea seems to be that there shall be a federation of the groups, ami that the distribution shall be regulated in the interests of the whole body of producers by a general council representing the federated trades. This is the root idea of Syndicalism, and such a respectable organ of individualism and private property as the Spectator says of it that “ there is nothing whatever criminal in the essential idea. Apart from its methods, Syndicalism means no more than a form of co-opera-tion.” The Times also finds nothing objectionable in the principle of Syndicalism. It says “ the root idea of Syndicalism—that of trade ownership and con-trol—-is not only unobjectionable, but excellent.” It was the parent of co-opera-tion. and will eventually be realised in co-partnership. One would like to enlarge further upon this volume, but space forbids. Co-operative Commonwealth.— C. and F. Charles have translated “Syndicalism and the Co-operative Commonwealth ; How We Shall Bring About the Revolution.” by Patau d and Ponget (New International Publishing Co., 61 Park End street , Oxford ; 2s 6d net). As Tom Mann contributes a foreword and Prince Kropotkin the preface, and as the drawings are bv that remarkable artist Will Dyson, the reader may bo assured that- the Syndicalism served to him in this volume will be undiluted. Says Tom Mann ; Industrial solidarity and direct-action methods are being increasingly resorted to here in Britain, and this most interesting and enlightening forecast of the Revolution is sure to help on the movement that- will precede the actual Revolution. The book is a story of how it was done — a grim Utopia, an entry into a self-pro-mised land, by strike, sabotage, and revolver. The scene is laid in Paris, but the obvious moral is that after Empire the Republic, and after the Republic a ela-n war that will enable the workers maun;-', in seize and run for their own U d: • industries of the country.

The Revolution.— Let us pass over the actual Revolution, which ifi described as akin to the French Revolution save that the manual workers rise against the middle-class rather than the bourgeoisie against the nobility. Let us set out results—the results tor which these men are organising strikes to-day: Whilst in the post office and railways trade union management was substituted for State management, a like change was successfully carried out in such national services as those of highways and bridges, water transport, etc. In the same way the town services were reorganised which formerly had been either municipalised or carried on by companies or contractors. In both cases the trade unions interested became the centre of the reconstruction. Public life had henceforth other centres; it was wholly within the trade unions. From the communal and departmental point of view the union oi local trade unions —the Labour _ Lxchange —was about, to gather to itself all the useful functions; in the same way, from the national point of view, the functions with which the State had adorned itself were about to return to the trade federations, and to the confederation, a union of district and national organisations Labour Exchanges and trade federations. To the reign of law, imposed on individuals bv an outside authority, would succeed the system of contracts made by the contractors themselves, which it would alwavs be possible to modify or revoke. For the abstract and unreal sovereignty which the citizen of a democracy enjoys was substituted a real sovereignty" which he exercised directly, in all J the spheres where his activity found expression. Wages had disappeared. Men made their own contracts with their union, which was both employer and manager. Co-partnership? — “ But. says the reader, “is not this co-partnership?'* Not at all- Every man is a- law unto himself. It is anarch\. Peaceful citizens would work well enough, but robber-bands would have no let or hindrance. Let ns proceed: Henceforth doctors and surgeons were not obliged to make a of their knowledge and experience. Their profession became a social function, accepted and fulfilled from professional zeal; from a desire to lighten human suffering, and not from a commercial interest. The liberal professions had no different conditions of life from those ot other unions; their respective syndicates distributed to their members the consumers’ cards —which were like those ol all the other confederates, —giving them tlie right of consumption for all products 'of which there was abundance; they distributed also to each one a book of "“notes,” which allowed them to consume or to obtain, in a proportion caual for all, rare products ox* ai'ticles of luxury. ” — One anomaly of the present competitive system lies in' the fact that a trade boom co-exists with poverty. In a rational society poverty might exist during a bad year, but the wit of man should be able to devise a better distribution. In “Labour and Industry ” (J. Murray; Is net) it is interesting in thus connection to see what a conservative writer in The Times says about, the strike movement; Rising prosperity at that time was indeed the occasion of the strikes, but there is no inconsistency. A marked and general improvement in trade is usually signalised by the occurrence of extensive strikes, because the employed demand a share in the improvement which employers are at first disinclined to grant, partly because they are eager to recoil]) themselves for the previous bad period, but also because it is impossible to say whether the favourable turn will last or not. Such strikes, however, seldom last long, because it pays the employers better to make concessions than to continue fighting when they have contracts and orders in hand. But Syndicalism destroys what our author cal's “tolerant equilibrium.” The idea of a general strike is not to get a rise of wages or better conditions, but to paralyse industry and to seize the means of distribution, exchange, and manufacture. To this end loading Syndicalists such as Sorel advocate better technical training so that the worker can ignore his emnloyer and seize his business. There were recently 95.C00 unemployed at Labour Exchanges. Many of these were inefficient. Instead of training and feeding them, we allow them to form an audience for disruptive speakers. Thus what might be a means of gaining increased industrial and physical efficiency becomes a period of starvation fevered with' revolutions rv dreams. And out of this carelessness there rnav come a very serious revolution.—T.P.'s Weekly.