PATER'S CHATS WITH THE BOYS.

Otago Witness, Issue 3031, 17 April 1912, Page 79

PATER'S CHATS WITH THE BOYS.

HOME RULE FOR IRELAND. On February 8 Mr Churchill made his famous speech" in Belfast, and I have by me a copy of The Times Weekly Edition, containing extracts from the" speech and comments by The Times' special correspondent. I am not going into Irish history of the past, nor am I going to take sides in the present- movement, except to say that, theoretically, there is no reason why Ireland should not have Home Rule. Unfortunately, however, religious animosities past and * present are a bar to progress. But though I am not going to line up arguments for and against, I am going to give an outline of The Times' report, so that my younger readers, to some extent, can" understand the position and see what intensity of feeling exists. In the summary introducing the question there occurs the following, and after it. under the heading, " A Rampart of Safeguards," the same matter in Mr Churchill's own words. To some extent there is a repetition, but each supplements the other. At the great meeting of over 5000. people the First, Lord had an enthusiastic reception, and his speech was followed with in' tense interest. As anticipated, it dealt wholly with the Home Rub; issue and indicated some of the principles of the proposed bill. These may be summarised briefly as follows: The Irish Parliament to be .so constituted in its House of Commons and Senate as to be fairly representative of Protestants as well as Catholics, of minorities even more than of majorities. The Crown to refuse assent to unjust bills, which the Imperial Parliament can repeal. The bill to safeguard religious freedom. The Privy Council to be able to make void any law trunsgressing the limits of the Homo Rule Act. The military forces to be under Imperial control. Financially, Ireland to be given a fair start; the Irish Parliament to have real control of finance; the Imperial Government to finance land purchase and oldage pensions; the Irish financial system to l>e consistent with the finances of the United Kingdom. A reduction of Irish members in the Imperial Parliament. Mr Redmond said he accepted every word of Mr Churchill's speech regarding safeguards. A Rampant of Safkguahds. What are the guarantees or safeguards which will be provided for the Protestants of Ulster and of Ireland against oppressive laws affecting their religion or their prosperity? The first of all safeguards will be the Irish Parliament —the Irish Parliament which will be so constituted', both in its House of Commons and in its Senate, as to be fully and fairly representative of the Irish nation —of Protestants as well as of Catholics, of urban interests as well as of agricultural interests, of minorities even more than majorities. We Li!>erals believe in parliamentary government carried on under the full glare and pressure of public opinion, and we believe that any Parliament which may be set up in Ireland will be found in Ireland, as in every other part of the modern world, to be a. natural and inveterate enemy of religions intolerance in every form. —(Cheers„\ That is our conviction, but. for the assurance of those Protestants who are genuinely disquieted, the follow imr additional rampart will bo maintained : First, the Crown will be able to refuse assent to an unjust, bill. Secondly, the Imperial Parliament will be able to repeal such a bill or enact another law. Thirdly, the Home Rule Bill will con-

tain provision* safeguarding religious freedom and fair play for both Protestants and Btsman Catholics. Fourthly, if any law passed in Ireland tranagreesos the limit laid down by the Home Rule Aot, tJhen tho Privv Council would bo able to declare it void" Fifthly, the Home Rule system will be worked in the face of Greet Britain as well as Ireland. The Imperial Parliament is overwhelmingly Protestant, and would certainly resent any attempt to aci> in a spirit of religious intolerance o«r unfairness. Sixthly, the power of the Imperial Parliament to interfere is unquestioned in law. and equally unquestioned in fact, for an military forces will be under the Imperial control. | To <siim up upon finance, the four main I principles we shall observe in tho Home ! Rule Bill will be—first, the Irish financial j system must l;o consistent with the finance 'of the United Kingdom; secondly, the obj ligations of tho Imperial Parliament will be discharged; thirdly, the real financial responsibility will rest upon the Irish Parliament; and, fourthly, there will be no setIxiek to Irish economic and social progress. After giving an account of the arrival of Mr Churchill in Ireland, his motor drive to the hotel, his' stop there, and his setting out for the marquee where he was to speak, the correspondent graphically pictures the hatred and friendship shown jon the route. Under two headings I am quoting the account as published. Orange Hostility. The crowd gathered densely in the path that the car and five that followed it had I to take, and the driver had great difficulty !in forcing a way through the press. I was j seated in the last car of the procession, and I have never seen a more- determined' crowd. i As each car slowly mado 2s way through ! the men "thrust their heads in and uttered j fearful menaces and imprecations. It I seemed to mo that Mr Churchill was runI ning a graver risk than ever he had ex- , pected. But ho never flinched l . He took i the hostility, visualised as well as vocalised, calmly, and no harm befell hinL It'was a grim demonstration of tho passion which pervades tho ranks of the Orangemen of Belfast. Tho crowd was, in tho main, a well-dressed one. There were very few workmen in it, and that fact filled the demonstration with groater meaning. Nationalist Enthusiasm. Meanwhile Mr Churohill was rapidly leaving tho business quarter behind, and at the boundary line between the two nations the booing ceased and the change began. It was an extraordinary moment for those -of us who were driving in the procession, and the shock of tho sudden transition from scowls to smiles helped to explain the Irish problem better than a hundred treatises. The yells o( nngTy resentment were still ringing in Mr Churchill's ears when devoted friends were swanming round his car in au ecstasy of passionate enthusiasm. Tho reception that the Falls, the great Nationalist quarter, gave him was, indeed, one of the most remarkable features of a memorable day. There were thousands of people lining the Falls road, and the whole Roman Catholic community seemed to have turned out to do him" honour. There were more black-shawled mill girls than men, and, while most stood in the rain, some showered benedictions from the windows of houses, schools, and clubs in an abandonment of hero-worship. There was not a groan bo bo heard, and so pressing were the attentions of the throng that Mr Hamar Greonwood, M.P.. found it necessary to stand on the footboard outside Mr Churchill's car and relieve the pressure. THE SPEECH.

I Mr Churchill based his remarks upon i three sets of arguments —(a) the Imperial i argument, (b) ibe House of Commons argu- ■ ment, and (c) the Irish argument.—and : added that a settlement of the long quarrel " would be to the British Empire a ! boon and a blessing, a treasure ship, a ' wonderful reinforcement precious beyond compare." This is followed by a swift | survey of the past, present, and a dip | into the future. Read this as a sample of his method of handling the question: i Tii their own island the Irish race have dwindled. While the populations of Europe have overflowed (hat of Ireland has ebbed away ; but elsewhere all over the world they have held their own, and in every I country where the English language is 1 spoken' the Irish are a power—a jxiwer for good or a power for ill, a power to harm or a power to help us—a, power to unite us, a power to keep us asunder. What call we say of these Irishmen who, we are assured, are in their own island incapable of managing their own affairs, but who in ! every other part of the English-speaking j world have won their way out of itII proportion to their numbers to positions of trust, affluence, and authority, particularly political authority? Ireland in the Empire. Speaking as an English Minister, I must say that, on the wliole, in varying degrees, no doubt with notable exceptions, they have been our enemies. They have been filled with feelings of resentment and anger against the British power and name.—(A ■ voice: "'But no longer"),—and they have counterworked our interests. They have been an adverse force in our colonies. They j have on more than one occasion unfavourably deflected the policy of the United ■ States. They are now the most earious obstaclo to Anglo-American friendship wo j have got. In spite of all that we 'have | got along. But—and I speak not only to you, but to a great audience in all parts of our Empire, all those who follow the Hoimo Rule cau.se either on the one side or on the other side—only think if we had their aid instead of their enmity, -their help instead of their opposition, how much smoother our path, how much quicker our progress, how much brighter our fortunes!—(Cheers.) What new possibilities would he opened> what old dangers would vanish away! A Vision of the Future. For our part we .look forward to a time which has been long retarded, and which wo beliove is now near, when this island, instead of being a disruptive force in the British Empire shall be transformed into a new centre of union, when the 'harsh and lamentable cry of reproach which lias eo long jarred upon the concert of the Empire will dtie away, when the accursed machinery by whidh hatred is manufactured and preserved will be broken for ever —(Choers), — ; and whon from every country where our I language and institutions are established hands will bo joined across the seas in peace ! and cordiality. Why then, then indeed, there will bo a 1 victory worthy to stand for ever with Trai falgar and with Waterloo.-—(Cheers.) Every I part of the British Empire would join is

our rejoicing*, every Parliament in its bounds and in the United States would approve and would applaud our decision. A MEMORY OF THE BOHR WAR. Under this heading he contrasts the action of Irishmen in Parliament and at

th': front, and skilfully tises facts to fur■thSv his objects. How often have we been reminded of the handful of Irishmen who voted against us in the Boor war? Have we forgotten the brave Irishmen who never failed in their duty to the Queen and to the army? In these days, when Irish Catholics are assailed with so "much ill-nature, are they never to be remembered too? I cannot help thinking of the scenes of which I was a witness when the heights of Tugela were stormed and when Ladvstnith was at la-st relieved.— (Cheers.) On "the crest of the hill, facing the fire of 60 guns, in a veritable whrrlwmd of exploding shells stood the valiant Boers. Up the Beer slopes marched unflinchingly the Dublin and the Inniskilling Fusiliers.— (Cheers.) That was a struggle of heroes, of heroes ranged by fate and duty on opposite sides. What a tragedy, what a cruel pitv. that such noble breeds of men should be locked together in hateful carnage! And now wo have got them both. We have made friends with our enemies; can we not make friends with our comrades too? Can we not win and keep them both—(cheers),— both and all within the shelter of the great Mother Empire which, for all the disparagement, of modern times, still raises her broad shield against every foe that threatens and still keeps open what is perhaps upon the whole the surest road to human progress?— (Cheers.) SEPARATION IMPOSSIBLE. Many think that an Irish Parliament is a prelude to separation, and the establishment possibly of a republic. Read what Mr Churchill says upon this: And what of all this vain and foolish chatter about separation? The separation of Ireland from Great Britain is absolutely impossible.—(Cheers.) The interests and affairs of the two islands are eternally interwoven. Ireland, separated thousands of miles by ocean from any western country, finds at her door across the Channel the great English market on which she depends for the welfare of her agriculture, as well as for the materials for her trades and industries. It is not impossible that Ireland may in the future wholly displace Denmark in the supply of agricultural products to th great cities and populous districts of England and Scotland.—("Hear, hear."} The whole tendency of things, the whole irresistible drift of things is towards a more intimate association. The economic dependence of Ireland on England is absolute, and, quite apart from naval, military, and constitutional arguments', and quite apart from all considerations of the Imperial Parliament, of the flag, and of the Crown, none of which things will he in any respect impaired, the two nations are bound together till the end of time by the natural force of circumstances. Is-it not worth while for English statesmen to try to make their lifelong partner happy and content and free?— (Cheers.) " ULSTER WILL FIGHT AND ULSTER WILL RE RIGHT."

This is an expression that has been very prominent for a long time, and Mr Churchill—The Times right through uses the plain ".Mr " —uses it boldly, too. The real significance of it will escape many who do not know that Mr Churchill is as bluntlv outspoken as his father Lord Randolph'Churchill, but tliat Lord Randolph used the term against separation as strongly as his son uses it for separation. The following extract deals with the Unionists' war-cry: I have been reminded often and again in the last few weeks of the words Lord Randolph Churchill used more than a quarter of a century ago. The reverence which I feel for his memory and the care with which I lwive studied liis public life make me quite content to leave to others to judge how far there is continuity between his work and any I have tried to do. lam sure the Liberal party wilK never become an instrument of injustice and oppression to the Protestants of Ulster. 1 know this is a duty in which the people of Ulster must not fail; it is a task and a .trust placed upon them in the name of Ireland, in the na.mc of the British Emoire, in the name of justice and goodwill—to help us all to settle the Irish question wisely and well for ever now. There is the "task which history has assigned to them, and it is in a different sense tlbat I adopt and repeat Lord Randolph Churchill's words. "Ulster will fight, and Ulster will be right." ■ Let Ulster fight for the dignity and honour of Ireland; let her fight for the reconciliation- of races and for the forgiveness of ancient wrongs; let her fight for the unity and consolidation of the British Empire; let her fight for the spreading of charity, tolerance, and enlightenment .among men. Then uidoed, '•Ulster will fight, and Ulster will be right. —(Loud cheers.) I have far exceeded my space, but the question is one of the important Empire landmarks of the century. Perhaps, after this, some of my younger readers will get I more into touch with the question.