HOME RULE FOR IRELAND.

Otago Witness, Issue 3031, 17 April 1912, Page 30

HOME RULE FOR IRELAND.

BILL INTRODUCED. PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION. POWERS OF IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. LONDON, April 8. Mr Bonar Law had a great reception and a tumultuous welcome at Belfast. The Lady Mayoress, on behalf of 80,000 ■women of Ulster, presented him with an address. April 10. The Unionist procession at Belfast included 140,000 members of clubs and lodges, and extended a distance of three miles. The route was crowded with.spectators. The Primate's prayers for the protection of true religion were followed by the singing of " Oh, God, our help in ages past.'' Then Sir E. Carson asked those present. to hold up their hands in solemn affirmation never under any circumstances to have Home Rule. The meeting repeated the affirmation, and after unfurling an immense Union Jack, the crowd, uncovered, sang the National Anthem. Mr A. Bonar Law said there was no hope of the Government majority in the House of Commons breaking down. It had been further cemented by the payment of £4OO a year. Tlie Government had turned the House of Commons into a market place, but it was unable to sell Ulster, which held the key to the position. The whole history of the modern world was a movement towards closer union. Britain, which was the Empirebuilder of the world, was asked to begin disintegration. The Unionist policy was to restore land purchase and develop the resources of Ireland. Mr Bonar Law received an ovation. On returning to Belfast, and speaking from the deck of his steamer, Mr Bonar Law declared that if Home Rule was forced through, God help Ulster, but Heaven help the Government. April 11. The Chronicle prints a page of opinions of overseas politicians and editors in favour of Home Rule, including one by Sir J. G. Findlay. All seats had been secured for hours beforehand in the House of Commons when the Prime Minister introduced the Home Rule Bill. There would, he said, be an Irish Senate of 40 members, all of whom would be nominated ; and a House of Commons of 164 members, of whom 59 would be from Ulster. Forty-two Irish members would sit in the Imperial Parliament. Among the matters excluded from the Irish Parliament were Crown and Imperial affairs, the Navy and Army, the Land Purchase Act, old-age pensions, national insurance, maintenance of the Irish Constabulary, post office and savings bank, and the collection of Imperial taxes. The Imperial Parliament will retain the power of vetoing or postponing all Irish legislation. The cardinal principle of the bill is that the Imperial Parliament does not surrender its supreme authority. The Prime Minister explained that the Irish Parliament would be unable to endow any religion, and there would be no religious tests nor any interference with the validity of mixed marriages. The Irish revenue will be collected Imperially, and be transferred to the Irish Parliament, with a further grant at the outset of half a -million sterling per annum. Customs and excise will be transferred to Ireland, with limitations as to increasing the Customs dues. There was an angry scene on Mr Bonar Law repeating his statement that the Government had sold itself for the votes of the Irish party, the Prime Minister indignantly rebutting the statement. Sir E. Carson said that the bill was both ridiculous and unsuitable.

SCOPE OF THE BILL. LONDON, April 12. The House of Commons was crowded. A loud shout welcomed Mr Asquith, while Mr Redmond a few minutes later was greeted with triumphant cheers by the Nationalists. Mr A. Bonar Law and Mr Balfour were cheered, but a special ovation was reserved for Sir E. Carson. As the Prime Minister rose tenee silence prevailed. Mr Asquith paid a tribute to Mr Gladstone's 1893 speech, which \vos a perfect exposition of the historic case between Britain and Ireland. He would take up the case where Mr Gladstone finished. He asked how far was the case for and against Home Rule affected by subsequent events. In the light of the general elections that had occurred since 1894 the party's fortunes had ebbed and flowed, and Governments had come and gone, yet through the shifting issues and changing policies the constant insistence and of the Jrish demands remained. \ ',c glanced at Ireland's preponderant vote for Home Rule. Look at Leister —(Unionist cheers) —where there were 17 Unionists and id Home Rulers.—(Ministerial cheers.) He Soke disrespectfully of the hostility to ome Rule by a majority in the north-

eastern counties. It was a factor not o be ignored in he present bill, but he was unable to admit that minorities had a right to veto the verdict of a majority of their countrymen. Mr Asquith said that four important matters were reserved for the Imperial Parliament. The Land Purchase Act, because the security of the system, resting on the Imperial credit, must in no nowise be affected. There would be an automatic transfer of the constabulary after six yearn, and a transfer of the Post Office Savings Bank in a decade if the Irish Parliament wished, and similarly with old-age pensions and insurance. Tlie Irish Parliament would not be allowed to repeal or alter any of the provisions of the Home Rule Act, nor interfere with the right of appeal to the Privy Council concerning the validity of kwe passed by the Irish Parliament. After mentioning the religious safeguards, Mr Asquith explained that the bills passed in Ireland would be subject to the Lord-lieu tenants's veto. Regarding the Senate, he said it would be desirable to have representatives of the minority who possibly would not be represented. Senators would retire in rotation, and their places be filled by the Irish Executive. —(Unionist laughter.) Regarding the Commons, each constituency would number 27,000 electors, and this would give Ulster 59 members, Leinster 49, M mister 47, Connaught 25, and the universities two. In the event of disagreement between the two Houses they would sit together. The improved conditions in regard to social order had removed one argument that had formerly been used against Home Rule. Other factors were local government, land purchase for labourers, the university, oldage pensions, and National Insurance Acts. These tardy reforms were inadequate as a set-off against the evils which Irishmen believed were due to overtaxation and depopulation. He continued that the granting of the Imperial credit in the working of land purchase and oldage pensions had made separation more unthinkable to Ireland. Dealing with the question fi'om the standpoint of the United Kingdom and the Empire, Mr Asquith emphasised the imperative need for emancipating the Imperial Parliament from local burdens. They would never get,local concerns treated timeously or sympathetically until they had the wisdom and courage to transfer them to the representatives of the people affected. He emphasised the congestion of the business of the House of Commons, and said the existing system wa-s centralised impotence. On being asked how it was possible to discharge their duty to the Empire, he referred to the granting of autonomy to Australia and South Africa. Self-govern-ment in the Transvaal was strictly analogous to Home Rule in Ireland. He would be a bold man who would assert that Ulster presented more difficulties than the lioers and Britons living side by side in territory that was just recovering from on internecine war. In the case of Australia and South Africa the object was to provide a central legislative and administrative authority to deal with matters of common interest to the separate adjacent States, while maintaining the utmost individual autonomy for local purposes. They started with a congested centre, and if they intended to carry out efficiently the common interests of the whole they must delegate the local interests to local management. Finally, the great Dominions, although starting from opposite poles, were all animated by the same spirit for attaining the goal. He was sure they were all in hearty sympathy with the spirit and purpose of Home Rule.

! The first clause of the bill stipulated for the unchallenged (supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. The Irish Parliament | would consist of the King and two Houses, which according to the bill were only empowered to make laws exclusively I relating to Ireland. The bill excluded from the Irish Parliament the Crown, peace and war, the control of navy and army, treaties, treason, and a number of other matters. | Mr Asquith said the Executive would be the same as was provided for in the 1895 bill. Regarding financial relations, the Government had not adopted the Primrose Commission scheme, but had benefited by its suggestions. Its reports would be presented to Parliament. The Estimates for the coming year showed that the true Irish revenue would be about £10,340,003, and the expenditure on Irish services about £12,350,000. The j Irish Parliament would pay the cost of ' all except the reserved services. The tuiJ nuaJ grant of half a million would gradually be reduced to £200,000. The Imperial Parliament would continue to tax the whole Kingdom, and the Irish Par- ' liament would be empowered to reduce or discontinue for Ireland any Imperial tax, provided the sum Imperially transferred to Ireland was correspondingly induced. The Irish Parliament would be empowered to impose taxes on its own account, but would not be empowered to . impose Customs duties except on articles dutiable in the United Kingdom. It : would not be empowered to augment the I Imperial duty of Customs or the Imperial , income tax, but would be free in connection with stamp duties, although some of , these would remain uniform throughout the Kingdom. The Joint Exchequer ' Board, two from each side, with the ' chairman nominated by the Crown, would adjust the financial relations. J Irish representation at Westminster

would be based on a member for every 100,000 of population. This would involve the merging of the majority of the existing boroughs and counties; hence the universities would cease to be represented. —(Ministerial cheers.) Between 20 and 30 self-governing Legislatures were now under allegiance to the Crown. Would one more break up the Empire?— (Cheers.) The demand now emanated, not from outlying quarters, but from a country near their shores, bound by ties of kindred and associated in every form of social and industrial movement, who had borne and were bearing a noble share in upbuilding and holding together the greatest Empire. A scene marked Mr Asquith's closing. He quoted Mr Bonar Law's statement at Belfast that the Government had sold the Constitution.—(Unionist cheers and angry shouts from the Ministerialistc and Nationalists.) The Prime Minister challenged Mr Bonar Law to say what had the Government 6old itself for. Mr Bonar Law : Votes. Mr Asquith: Is Mr Bonar Law prepared to say the Government has sold its convictions ? Mr Bonar Law: The Government has not any. THE DEBATE ADJOURNED. LONDON, April 12. Following Mr Asquith, Sir E. Carson said the Government scheme was fantastic, unworkable, and ridiculous. The talk about devolution all round was hypocrisy. The bill placed irresistible weapons in the hands of the Nationalists if they demanded separation. It deprived Ulster of the protection of an executive which was responsible to the British Parliament. The Government introduced this bill when the Constitution was in suspense and while the lying preamble of the Parliament Act was still in abeyance. The whole affair was a disreputable bargain between the Government and the Nationalists. Not one of the guarantees was worth the paper whereon it was written. Ulster would oppose the bill at every stage. Mr Redmond said the principle of devolving the management of local affairs upon local assemblies was the foundation of the Empire to-day. No community of white men had ever asked for the right and been refused it. The Nationalists did not want separation. They took their stand where Mr Parnell stood. They were willing to accept a subordinate Parliament as a final settlement. Financially the bill was far better than those of 1886 and" 1893. "I shall without hesitation," Mr Redmond said, "recommend it to the National Convention. In time it will turn Ireland into a happy, prosperous country. The Irish are never intolerant in religious matters, and are willing that any safeguards shall be inserted which meet with Ulster's views." Mr Redmond quoted Mr Gavan Duffy's pamphlet upon Australia's experience to support his view that a nominated Senate was far safer than a Senate elected on a narrow franchise. He hinted that the Nationalists desired that land purchase should be controlled by the Irish Legislature, and concluded with an eloquent reference to the spirits of Gladstone and Parnell dominating the historic scene.

Incidentally Mr Redmond referred to Sir E. Carson's argument that if Ireland had the right to Home Rule Ulster had an equal right, and asked if Sir E. Carson proposed this. Sir E. Carson : Will you accept it? Air Redmond: I would like the pi*oposal made first. Mr Ramsay Macdonald said a nominated Senate was more democratic than an elected one, for it was far nearer a single Chamber. He welcomed the hint that the bill had been drafted with a view to its extension to England, Scotland, and Wales. Mr O'Brien, reserving his judgment on details, generally approved the bill. If it were accepted as a final settlement it would involve some renunciation of dreams which the Nationalists formerly cherished. He regretted that the Cabinet had not accepted the recommendation of its own expert committee, which favoured the giving to Ireland of fiscal independence. Apparently Ireland was to have the excise, which exhausted its source of revenue and its power to devise new taxes, but the Customs were to be settled by the Imperial Parliament. He was afraid the dual control of the Irish purse would not turn out happily. He congratulated the Government upon its determination to complete the land purchase upon the Imperial credit. If the Irish people accepted tho bill he would give it his loyal support regardless of narrow sectional interests. Mr Balfour moved the adjournment of the debate. FINANCIAL PROVISION. LONDON, April 12. The Times states that the federalism in the bill is the only excuse for the retention of 42 Irishmen at Westminster, whose function it will be to vote for larger subsidies for Ireland. The proposed Senate, to be nominated first by tho Government in alliance with the Nationalists and shortly by the Irish Executive, is a ridiculous protection for the Unionist minority. Lobby comments reveal no signs of a Liberal cave. Sir Clifford Cory (Liberal member for St. Ives) intends to vote against the bill, and two other Liberals are doubtful.

The Radicals criticise the nominated Senate, and suggest as an alternative a Chamber to be elected by proportional representation. Mr Herbert Samuel (Postmaster-general) will explain the financial provisions on Monday. The Times states that Mr Asquith failed to explain that the Imperial Parliament will be really making an annual grant of two millions. The Standard (U.) declares that the financial proposals are a combination of muddle and fraud, the net result of which is that Great Britain gives the Irish Exchequer two millions a year. Ireland thus gets the army and navy for less than nothing. The Daily Chronicle (G.) says that the complexity of the bill is a merit, as it shows that the details have been well considered, but it dislikes the nominated Senate, and says that colonial experience has shown that it is incompatible with democracy. It is also an objectionable precedent for a reformed House of Lords. The Daily News (G.) states that the bill is based on large and liberal lines, and regrets that the Irish are not given control of the Customs and excluded from the Imperial Parliament. The Westminster Gazette (G.) disapproves of a nominated Senate. The Pall Mall Gazette (U.) says that the main effect of the bill is that England pays without governing, and Ireland governs without paying. The Westminster Gazette (G.) says the bill firmly unites the supporters of the principle of Home Rule. , The Freeman's Journal says that the bill is the boldest and most generous measure yet introduced. The Cork Free Press says the bill offers a permanent solution of the unsolved Irish problem. The Irish Times (TJ.) declares that the bill will prove utterly unworkable, for it does not offer any middle course between separation and a return to the status quo of union. The Irish Independent cannot regard the scheme as final. It gives threequarters of what was expected. The Northern Whig (Belfast) says the bill is more illogical and complicated than Gladstone's, and is conceived in fraud. POINTS'IN THE DEBATE. LONDON, April 12. Members were convulsed over Mr Asquith's admission that savings bank depositors would receive six months' notice to enable them to withdraw their money in the event of the Irish Government assuming control of the bank. The Prime Minister stated that if ever Ireland were to manage to more than pay her way for three years running he would arrange for an Irish contribution to the common expenditure, to assist to diminish the two millions deficit. Mr Asquith did not mention the judiciary, but it is the' Government's intention to safeguard all pensions. New judges will be appointed by the Lord Lieutenant on the Irish Executive's advice. Critics state that the freedom of the Irish Legislature in connection with the excise will enable Ireland to confer preference on Irish spirits by way of a reduction in duty.

ATTITUDE OF THE LIBERALS. THE FEELING IN IRELAND. LONDON, April 13. The Absence of any reference to a general devolution in the preamble of the bill is commented on, as such, it was undeirstood a few weeks ago, would be included. Many Liberals are prepared to accept the bill as the beginning of a federal scheme, but consider that the giving of power to vary the Customs and excise is an obstacle to federalism. .They urge that if England, Scotland, and Wales were similarly invested it would create hopeless confusion. The measure has aroused little enthusiasm in Dublin. Criticism in Ireland centres round tlie cpjestione of a nominated Senate and the financial provisions. Few Nationalists share the opinion of Freeman's Journal. The averago view is that the bill is neither bold nor generous. Disappointment is expressed at the refusal of fiscal autonomy. 'The members of the Sinn Fein reject the bill with contempt. The Nationalists intend to attempt in committees to secure power to deal with land purchase, and believe they will be able to arrange this with the Government. Mr Keir Hardie, speaking at Banbury, declared that the Government was growing stale, and it was doubtful if it would last two years. It was necessary, he added, to carry Home Rule. Mr O'Brien is calling a convention at Cork of representatives from districts in sympathy with his policy to consider tho bill. GENERAL APPROVAL BY IRISHMEN. LONDON, April 14. Dr Denis Kelly, Bishop of Ross, says that those who have been demanding Gladstonian Home Rule as the high-mark of self-government must be delighted with the new bill, which excels the former measure in every respect, and restores the ancient Parliament of Ireland, with the further valuable improvement of an executive responsible thereto. In the course of a speech at an Irish

League gathering, Mr T. P. O'Connor said that the opponents of the bill had seized on a particular point—namely, the constitution of the Senate. If that were the only issue, the Nationalists were open to make a deal in the matter. The Irish Independent, while accepting the broad principles of the bill, finds it has many great flaws and imperfections requiring drastic amendment. CAPETOWN, April 14. The views on the Home Rule Bill are conflicting. The Cape Argus thinks the financial part of the bill the weakest; the Oape Times fears the disintegrating effect of such a measure; the South African News approves the bill, but thinks the safeguards given to Ulster excessive ; the Rand Daily ilail and Leader support the bill, and the Star opposes it. The newspapers at Durban oppose the bill, while those at Maritzburg support it, and the Bloemfontein Friend commends it unreservedly. SYDNEY, April 15. The Irish envoys (Messrs Redmond and Donovan) are delighted with the Home Rule Bill. Mr Redmond says that it will pass the Commons and be rejected by the Lords, but under the Veto Act of last year the Lords cannot delay its final passage more than two years. MESSAGES OF APPROVAL. DISSENSION IN IRELAND. LONDON, April 15. Mr Redmond has received messages from Mr Botha, Sir J. G. Ward, Mr Gavan Duffy, and many Canadian and United States politicians approving of the Home Rule Bill. Mr Dillon, speaking in London, said the Nationalist party would go to the convention and tell the people ungrudgingly to accept the bill. He had not the slightest fear as to the result. The chairman of the Fermoy Municipal Council, discussing the invitation to send delegates to the National Convention, complained that every little bi-anch of the Hibernian Society was offered larger representation. The council adjourned consideration of the matter. The Brandon Council is dissatisfied with the treatment of the All-for-Ireland League and declined to be represented. SIR J. G. WARD'S VIEWS. WELLINGTON, April 13. Sir J. G. Ward has received a telegram from Mr Redmond, London, asking his opinion on the Home Rule Bill. Sir Joseph replied : " I strongly approve of the Home Rule Bill, which gives proper freedom, with every reasonable safeguard to minorities. It will settle the Irish question, will contribute enormously to the solidarity of the Empire, and increase good-fellowship in America and the English-speaking world." Speaking to a Post representative, Sir J. G. Ward said: "I supported Home Rule for Ireland on two broad grounds : First, it was in the best interests of the Empire as a whole ; secondly, it was due to Ireland herself as matter of common justice. From the Imperial point of view the bill was only the recognition of the firinciple that the more you decentralise roan Government control what are purely local affaire, the more you add to the efficiency and energy of that Government and the more you stimulate an active interest in it. This was independent of that insistent and persistent national desire on the part of the Irish people to govern themselves. The one barrier to British Imperial unity was the acute and deep-felt sense of wrong which the withholding of self-government had created in the breasts of the Irish people at Home and abroad. More freedom to Ireland meant greater security to the Empire. The resentment felt by Irishmen the world over, notably in America, towards England for keeping Ireland in her present position of subjection had contributed immensely to prevent that internal amity which was the only permanent basis of international good-will throughout the English-speaking world."