OUR AMERICAN LETTER.

Otago Witness, Issue 2914, 19 January 1910, Page 15

OUR AMERICAN LETTER.

(From Our Own Correspondent.) NEW YORK, November 16. The November elections this year were ' of greatest interest to those Americans who recognise in our great and growing ■cities the most important of the problems . confronting the course of good govern- ■ anent. New York, as the largest city upon the continent, furnished a. superb example to all her sisters by making an almost complete overthrow of the Tammany machine, grown careless and more than ever unscrupulous and criminal through a long term of power. True it was that former Supreme Court Justice William J. Gaynor, who was elected Mayor, headed the Tammany ticket. But Judge Gaynor is the one man who Tammany might best have lost. It only nominated him against the protests of its sachems and as a “ sop ” to the citizen ship that is beginning to demand that even New York shall become an honestlygoverned community. Having placed this type of uncorruptible man at the head of its ticket, the Tammany sachems overestimated its pulling powers. They loaded it down with the worst type of profes- | sional politicians. The result in this city was exactly ' anticipated by every close student of local conditions. Judge Gaynor was elected by a large majority; his associates were defeated “by an even larger majority. In their place were elected a group of men, of the highest type, nominated through a fusion of the Republicans and the various good government and civic reform bodies of New York. The campaign was the bitterest—and the dirtiest —waged here in many a year. Personalities were flung wildly about, and no man’s character remained unaesadled. Mr Hearst, the multimillionaire newspaper-owner, Radical, and perpetual candidate for any high office within the gift of the people, entered himself as a third party in the race, and probably did much toward electing Judge Gaynor and the excellent associates who were nominated by his opponents. Mr Justice Gaynor is also a Radical, and that helped towards his election, together with a life-long opposition to the unpopular Traction Trust, so-called — meaning a combination of the various local street, elevated, and underground railroads of the city. He was also believed to be an “ anti-boss ” candidate and that is why Tammany will have poor pickings for the next four years, with none of its men from whom it might hope to receive patronage chosen by the electorate. The irascibility, the constant use of insulting epithet, a frequent inaccuracy of statement on the part of Justice Gaynor, apparently could not overweigh his admittedly strong qualities. Then, too, the false, unjust, and unfair attacks that were made upon him during the campaign reacted and actually helped toward his election.

The conspicuous victory for reform won in New York is partly upset by its defeats in the important cities of Philadelpiiia and San Francisco. The first of these towns has the reputation of being the centre of the greatest political corruption upon the American continent. New York in her worst days of political distress has never approached the plight of the Pennsylvania metropolis. In Philadelphia the organised machine of thugs and crooks— il professional politicians ” is the name by which they will permit themselves to be called —carries

<-n its work under the guise of the Republican party. In New York the same element —the world-fanned Tammany Hall—masks as Democratic. National Republicanism and national Democracy are alike in their contempt for both machines. In Philadelphia the “ gang ” finds its greatest help in the indifference of the so-called ‘‘good citizens”—the men prominent in the social and commercial life of the city. Such men in New York have long .since given time, money, energy toward helping good government, and a splendid start has already been made. In Philadelphia ono or two spasmodic efforts have only resulted finally in a return of the old “ gang ” to power, and this month’s fight on the part of a little group of sincere reformers to better matters resulted in another wholesale defeat of its ticket.

The San Francisco issue was whether there should be a continuation of the graft prosecution, which has held the city excited ever since the great earthquake three years ago and which has led a- slimy trail right to the doors of some of the most important citizens of that Western port. Mr Francis J. Heney, the candidate for District Attorney, carried his powerful and vitriolic campaign up from the levels of labour union grafters and illiterate aldermen to the very peaks of “ high finance.” When he began to molest some of the leading families of San Francisco, Mr Heney began to lose the support of a part of the general public. A fierce attack that lie made on Mr Patrick Calhoun, the president of the street railroad company.

brought him a host of new enemies. Mr Charles M. Fickert, Republican and

Labour Union candidate, who defeated Mr Hency, would drop the graft prosecution, and the word has gone forth that Sail Francisco is to be a “ wide open” town, which means that vice of every sort within its walls is to be assessed privately by the powers that be and permitted an undisturbed existence. In Cleveland, Mayor Tom L. Johnson, ■who also distinguished himself by a fight against street railroad magnates, and in Kersey City Mr Mark M. Fagan each of these reformers of national prominence—went down to defeat. The causes they had battled for had not lost popularity or strength, but there is a pka&acter thM de-

mauds change—a perpetual candidate for an important office here cannot survive the damnation of that trait. Mr Bryan can add testimony to the truth of that. In Salt Lake City, the home of the Mormons, a powerful blow was dealt at that organisation. The re-elected Mayor, John S. Bransford, is not only an opponent of the Mormon machine, but also declares himself against the unfair opposition to that peculiar sect. He is known as a “ Gentile,” but a fair-minded “Gentile,” who believes that Salt Lake City’s growth has been_ set back many years because of the intense religious strife she harbours. It has leaked out from Washington that the Government is preparing to establish its greatest naval station at Pearl Harbour, in the Hawaiian Island, thus indicating a continuance of the colonial policy of the United States. In another letter I may be able to give some of the actual plans for this important new defence —at present all is conjecture, —but at the preisent time it is interesting to add that the Canadian plan to establish a navy is being received with the heartiest cordiality by this nation — Government and people alike. The fact that such a navy would float another flag will make no difference to the average American. He feels the close bond between himself and the neighbour to the north, just as ho feels the close bond between - English-speaking folk the world over. Moreover, the Canadian fleet will stand for the protection, of this continent. That, with an eye ever cast toward the Far East, means much to uis in these days. What promises to be a national scandal of the first magnitude when its details are fully revealed is the discovery of wholesale Custom-house frauds on the part of the American Sugar Refining Company, better known here as the Sugar Trust. It is charged that this particular corporation has stolen more than 50,000,000d0.l from ho Government in 20 years by making false manifests of the vessels entering this port. It is further charged, that the stealing, which began in

President Cleveland’s Administration, continued straight through both Mr M‘Kin-

ley’s and Mr Roosevelt's tenure of office. It is asserted that it was first detected at the White House during the last administration, but that the political influence of the Sugar Trust was powerful enough to tie Mr Roosevelt’s hands. Moreover, it is said that the Treasury Department, under Secretary George B. Cortelyou, and directly in control of all Custom-houses, refused to enter into the matter: that its inspectors who reported the thefts were sent to other parts of the country and told to keep their mouths

shut. These are serious charges, and they touch men of high degree. When Mr William Loeb was made Collector of the Port of New York he began delving into them, and the result was the arrest and conviction of some smaller importers some dealers in imported cheeses. The prompt action of the courts in these cases threw panic into the hearts of many of the smaller Customhouse clerks and inspectors. They began making wholesale confessions, and it

became generally known that the Sugar Trust was the chief offender in the whole matter. ■ The President became interested, and it is said that it is his ambition to quietly accomplish the thing in which the pretentious Roosevelt Administration failed—to end the thieving, punish the thieves, and restore to the Government the duties Out of which it, was cheated. Soon after the announcement of the thefts, -wholesale resignations began among the Sugar Trust’s employees, at its great works in the Williamsburgh and Brooklyn sections of the city. Mr James F. Bendernage!, the general superintendent of the concern, was the first to resign, and the day after he left be was ’ placed under arrest and hkjavy bail, charged with participation in false weighing of sugar cargoes and with conspiracy to defraud the Government out of Customs duties. It is claimed that this arrest is only the forerunner of many and of far more important ones. Special agents of the Treasury Department, no longer hampered by orders from Washington, are also investigating the importations and Customs payments of the American Tobacco Company, known as the Tobacco Trust, and of Arbnckle Bros., an enormous sugar and coffee j importation concern. Secretary Mac- | Veagh, of the Treasury, has made it plain already that both high and low who are found guilty of fraud wall he punished, j Another delicate situation between the Government and powerful commercial I interests has arisen in the interior of j the country. For a loifg time the Seere- ! tary of the Interior (Mr Ballinger) has ! been involved in a bitter dispute with Mr | Gifford Pinchot, Chief Forester of the I United States, and one of Mr Roosevelt’s r closest friends. Mr Pinchot has practi- : cally accused Mr Ballinger of being friendly to, certain interests which were ; trying to gain control of undeveloped coal ! and forest lands, as well as valuable | water powers and rights, which are still j absolutely held by the Federal Govern - ! merit. The value of these to the nation j is hardly to be overestimated. With the ! anthracite coal supply of the eastern end I of the country threatening exhaustion at : the end of another half-century, the great ! hard coal lands of Alaska are attracting greedy eyes, and greater and greater : attention is being given to water-power ! development and electrical transmission of | the generated power. President Taft," I with his ever-present tact, silenced the row between Ballinger and Pinchot. No sooner is a half-peace assured there when another quarrel breaks forth—this time between Mr Ballinger and one L. A. GJavis, chief of the Beattie Field Division of the United States Land Office. Mr Glavis went further than ever Mr Pinchot has dared, to gq A and accused

Mr Ballinger of being in league wit’h a j certain Cunningham, who was desirous of j acquiring a great tract of Government coal lands in Alaska at a mere fraecion of their real value. He was promptly dismissed. Since then he has written some very crisp literature for Collier’s, a national ‘weekly journal of power, and has reiterated his charges in so convincing a form that President Taft will almost be forced to pay attention to them. Every now and then and again some little-known citizen dies, and exclamations of surprise go up from the Philistines at the great amount of money lie has collected and left for distribution. Such a little-known citizen was John S. Kennedy of this city, whp died early last week. He was not prominent in the sense that the 'Vanderbilts or the Astors, for instance —in display and in the Divorce Courts, filling the so-called “ society columns ” of our newspapers. True, he was on the directorate of several important institutions, and he was known a bit for charity. But New York gave a little gasp of astonishment when it discovered that he had quietly gathered a fortune of more than GO.OOO.OOOdol; a great gasp when it learned that half of this —more than 50,000,000d0l —was to be given to charities following his death. Such a gift equalled the collective beneficences of either Rockefeller or Carnegie. It is divided, between about 100 institutions of various sorts and in various amounts—-colleges, hospitals, churches, and the like. The Presbyterian Church is strongly remembered, something like 10,000,0C0c10l going to institutions and enterprises under its control. Columbia University receives j 2,500.000d01, and a like sum goes to the Metropolitan Museum of Art’ in ; this city, already fast becoming one of the world’s greatest collections. A moment ago I spoke of the Vanderhilts and the Astors and the divorce ' courts, and lest I be accused of slander- | ing two old and prominent New York I families, let me explain myself move j clearly. Tlia Vanderbilts have had seven ; divorce suits their ranks within the past 20 years, which is quite enough said. : Until recently, though, the Astors have kept fairly free of the shadows of the divorce courts, which throw so deep a darkness on many of our social leaders. But within the montk Colonel John Jacob Astor, head of the family, the oldest son of the oldest, son, etc., was divorced from his wife, who was a Miss Alva Willing, of Philadelphia. I That of itself was not so vital an interest as was the manner of securing the decree. It has been rumoured that such an action was pending, but little was definitely known of the matter. One early November day at the little court-house iu the hamlet of New City, the sleepiest shire-town within a hundred miles of New York, a party of city attorneys went before the presiding justice and made a motion. The name “Astor” was not, mentioned in the proceedings, which were mumbled in voices hardly above a whisper. Even the old Rip Van Winkle of a court clerk could not hear what was said. ; But, what was far more important, the motion was granted, and a decree of divorce granted to Mrs Astor without her name being spoken. The papers were immediately sealed by order of the court.

The proceedings thus begun in whispers ended in a roar of protest. We have strict “ contempt of court statutes here— Samuel Gompers, head of the American Federation of Labour, is just appealing from a prison sentence on this score,— but the newspapers have expressed their minds freely on the Astor divorce, or the manner of granting it, to be more exact. If some poor bookkeeper gets into a row with his wife, they are both lugged into court —“ butchered to make a Roman holiday.” The reporters eagerly jot down the sensational evidence, tiie photographers snap the woman’s picture, the details of the testimony are bared to the world. Because Colonel Astor, with his vast fortune, was able to obtain secrecy and a decree while be sailed foreign seas in his yacht, the present stor a has started. No one here wants the revolting details of divo-ce court testimony printed. A good many want and demand, though, that the favouritism for a long time shown to rich and fashionable folk in granting secret divorce trials shall come to an immediate end.

When we contemplate cur American railroad system of to-day, with a capitalisation. equalling the entire wealth of the nation 40 years ago. and a train, mileage which would encircle the earth 50.000 times in a single year, it seems almost uncanny to realise that Tatem Parsons, who has just died at Camden. N.J.. encompassed the building of it all with his life. Such a thing is no less than fact. In 1831 the first' successful American locomotive —it weighed 10 tons, against the 200-ton monsters of to-day—was placed in service. Parts of it were made in England, and it was called the “ John Bull.” Tatem Parsons was the engineer of the “ John Bull.” The first rail of the first American" railroad was laid on July 4, 1828. by Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, then the only living signer of the_ Declaration of Independence. President Hadley, of Yale, said of that event;- — “ One" man's life formed the connecting link between the political revolution of the eighteenth century and the industrial revolution of the nineteenth.” So. again, one man’s life has marked the beginning of the marvellous railroad era with today.