THE PARLIAMENT AT WASHINGTON

Otago Witness, Issue 2914, 19 January 1910, Page 95

THE PARLIAMENT AT WASHINGTON

By Hugh H. Lusk

Everybody knows, as a matter of course, that the institution which in other English-speaking countries is known as a Parliament is called a Congress in the great American Republic. The name, it may be said, doesn’t really matter much, as long as the institution is the same; but in the case of America it is not quite the same, after all. The name of Congress puts on record a great historical fact, and to that fact itself must of the differences that, exist between it and what has always been called a Parliament in England ever since Saxon times are attributable. The name Parliament, of course, means a place for talking about, or discussing, things • the name Congress, it may be admitted, hardly means as much. It goes only a® far as to indicate a gathering together, without even hinting at the purpose of the gathering. But, after all, this is the real historical record that explains its origin. The Congress of to-day is the child and natural successor of the original congress, or meeting, of the delegates of the original 13 States that formed the Federated Republic of the emancipated States and provinces of American colonies. The origin of Congress has been, as might naturally have been expected, the cause of most of the peculiarities wherein it differs from the Parliaments to which people of British race have been accustomed elsewhere. A federal Legislature, it is probable, in any part ot the world, will grow unlike the Parliament of a really united country in a good many ways. This will, no doubt, be true both of the Canadian Dominion and the Australian Commonwealth in an increasing degree as time goes on, but in the case of the United States the fact that the federating States were wholly independent and sovereign when they agreed on the terms of federation made this inevitable in their case. The original federation, and the federal constitution that gave effect to it, were a succession of compromises; and in their operation they have continued to he. for the most part, a matter of compromise ever since. A visit to Washington during the session of Congress is at first sight a very exhilarating experience, and the neighbourhood of the Capitol, and the great Capitol building itself, form the natural centre of the interest. No nation in the world has ever provided a more imposingsituation for its central seat of Legislation, and it may be questioned whether any other has been successful in providing buildings more imposing, or more calculated to make the most of the situation. The visitor who wanders round the capitol hill cannot but be struck by the splendour of the great buildings, and can hardly fail to be impressed by the general air of suppressed excitement and action that pervades the place. If he is fortunate enough to find his way into the Capitol—a thing not altogether easy to do while Congress is in session, unless by the good offices of the members—-he will probably be even more impressed by these peculiarities. The contrast between the atmosphere of the Houses of Parliament at Westminster and the Capitol at Washington is ®o marked in these respects as to be almost funny. Except on very rare occasions, indeed, there is little or nothing at Westminster to suggest that the affairs of an Empire are being dealt with by the calm, rather bored-looking individuals who constitute the +wto Houses <of Parliament. At Washington calmness is the very last thing that need be looked for. The atmosphere of America is wholly unfavourable to calmness anvwhere, and the halls of Congress are filled with the very opposite temper. It is hardly too much to say that every member of Congress, Senator or representative, seems to be in a hurry, and moves as if the destinies of the Republic depended on his activity. It is only when the visitor contrives to find his way either into the Senate Chamber or the great Representative Hall that he can observe anything like even ordinary deliberation. Even there it takes a different form from what may be seen any day at Westminster. At Washington every member has his desk at which ho sits, generally either reading or writing, hardly ever appearing to give any attention to what is being said by whoever is addressing the House. A very few, perhaps half a dozen in the Representative Chamber at the most-, and two, or at the most three, in the Senate, seem to be listening; and they generally show that they do so by frequently rising to interruptAhe speaker. The other 580 are too 'busy reading newspapers. or writing letters, or, it may be, talking to one another in whispers—not always low,—to pay the smallest attention. The Senators are more polite. Except on some unusual occasion not more than from 12 to 15 are to be found

in their seat®, the other 80 being conspicuous by their absence. The chief reason of these and a good many other peculiarities, which can hardly escape the notice of any observer at Washington, is that the members of both House® of Congress do not represent the country, but only the section of it to which they belong. In neither Chamber are the members trying to persuade or convince the other members, for the simple reason that they know the attempt would be useless. _ What they are trying to do is to convince the electors of their own State that they are standing up for the views of their own partv, and especially of that section of their'' party which has the upper hand in the State from which they come. To do this it isn’t enough that they should vote with their party whenever a division is taken- —that, of course, they must do, on pain of political death at the next election, —they must also show their people from time to time that they can make speeches, and the more elaborate and high-sounding the speeches are the better, as the American people are singularly fond of what they consider eloquence. The members of both Houses, therefore,, make a point of speaking at least once or twice in each session, but in every ca.se they make set speeches, and they invariably talk to the gallery. The gallery means, in the case of Congress, the reporters’ gallery, where the speeches made are placed on record, not with a view to Hansard, or its American equivalent only, but mainly for the convenience of the members, who can get as many copies as they want gratis, and can send them free by mail to as many of their constituents a® they choose. America, as most people are aware, has long been the headquarters of party Government, which has there been carried to its extreme limits, and has developed most, if not all, of its essential evils. Members of Congress are the mere creatures of their party, and its clique of bosses: and all they can really hope to do at Washington is to make an oration or two in support of some measure proposed by the party, or against something proposed by the opposite party, likely to give their own constituents the impression that they are great orators. These speeches are duly reported, and corrected, and then distributed broadcast in their own State, amongst their own party; and this is all. The members vote as they are ordered by the little party council which meets in the Speaker’s room; they make one or two speeches that would sound very pretentious to the ears of English people; and finally they draw their 7500d0l each year in payment for their services to the nation. The system has grown up, little by little, till it has become a complete tyranny of party rule, which it will be quite as hard for the nation to shake off as it would be in the case of any otherkind of tyranny with which history has made ns familiar. There are many people in America who see the evil of the system, bat they have practically no voice in the matter. At last Presidential election some two million or more electors voted for candidates who belonged neither to the Republican nor Democratic party, and yet they are wholly unrepresented in the present Congress. If they were represented, it is true, they could do nothing more than raise a protest ; but even that would be something. As it is. Congress is made up of Republicans and Democrats—the Republicans being at present in a substantial majority both in the Senate, in which the States are represented by two members each, irrespective of size or population, and in the Representative Chamber, in which each member represents, as nearly as possible, an equal number of electors. As far as seriously influencing legislation in any way goe®, the Democratic minority might almost a® well be absent. The system pursued effectually prevent® even the discussion of measures opposed by the majority. It is not, in fact, either the Senate or the Representative Chamber that really deals with the business brought before Congress, but only a small part of the members who form the committees to which every serious proposal made, or bill brought in, is at once and as a matter of course referred. Thus, while the sittings of both Chambers are open to the public and the press, the tribunals where each proposal made is tried and decided upon are really secret—only one degree less secret, indeed, than the party council of leaders that meets in the Speaker’s room. The Speaker of the Representatives, and the Vice-presi-dent, who acts as President of the Senate. are, of course, representative men of the party that has the majority for the time being. In each Chamber they nominate the committees at the beginning of each session, and. of course, take care to have a substantial majority of their own party on each. The consent of either Chamber is not asked, the Speaker’s nomination being final, and it is to these little coteries that every question of the smallest importance is referred. It need hardly be said that, while the committees go through the form of taking evidence, their main businesis is to bring up favourable reports on all measures that have the approval of the secret caucus in the Speaker’s room, and to condemn, or, more probably still, to shelve for the session everything proposed by the Opposition party.