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Otago Witness, Issue 2685, 30 August 1905, Page 48

The Otago Witness,

THE WEEK.

'WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED THE SOUTHERS - | - MERCURY

~ ' {WEDNESDAY, AUGUST SO, 1905.)

•'Huqnuo allid ittort, »liud sipientia dlxit."— Jirimi,, "Cmil Diturt and cood aenie must «T*r;»iii. K '— F*ra> ffhe Balfonr Administration has been described by a caustic critic' Th«Preml«r as "a Government entirely In Extremis, without a policy ; mainly a Ministry of Tite Barnacles, consisting of a Premier with items. It ndheres, but it is incapable of action, j of movement." This cleverly worded deicription exactly applies to the Seddon Administration in regard to its land policy — it is absolutely without one. The majority of Mr Seddon's associates, are exactly hit off in the simile "Barnacles," who "adhere" to the Treasury benches, but are incapable either of action or of movement. Certainly the Premier posses- ■ ses a few "items" — to wit, the lengthy Beries, of resolutions which he has signi- j fied his, intention of moving when the j report of the Land Commission is dis- J cussed. The Leader of the Opposition ■, has-risen to the occasion and promptly 1 s tabled what -amounts to a want of confi-^ dence motion, by ascertaining that "the ;' failure' of the Government to formulate J a land policy, even with the report of j the Land Commission to help it, is on evasion of constitutional authority." But Mr Mas-sey evidently forgets what -. Mr Seddon is ready to remember — that fLginooine statesman should be on his guard, Ei lie snrsT hey beliefs, aw to b'lieve 'em tv hard; And that it marciful Providunce fashioned us holler 0' purpose that we might our principles swaller : To say nothing of the stanza from "The Pious Editor's Creed," which declares — I &v believe in bein' this Or thet, ez it may happen .Oneway or t'other hendiest is * ~"~" To ketch the people nappin'; It ain't by princerples nor men My preudunt course is steadied,— I scent wic-h pays the best, an' iL&n . Go into it baldheaded. The plain meaning of Mr Seddon's resolutions on the land question is that, after a prolonged period of wobbling and ' evasion in the matter of land tenure, and j not entirely satisfied with the findings of the Land Commission, he is "scenting" as to which course from an electioneering jpoict of view will /pay the best. This problem having been decided for him, ' •he is prepared to "go baldheaded" for whichever tenure seems to promise him and his party the biggest number of .votes. Party politics could scarcely be Bragged down to a lower level of incompetency, but seeing that so many members of the preseni Parliament are tarred with the same brush, it is hopeless to expect that they will rise in revolt against this latest form of degradation. Mr Massey's motion will, however, at least have this effect ; it .will i-eveal to the colony the .

contemptible condition of an Administration which professes itselt unable to formulate a policy upon what has always been regarded as a vital question — a question upon which no compromise was possible. It has been well said that the only point of agreement which exists amongst the Ministry and their following upon the land question is a settled determination to abandon either the freehold or the leasehold, if only they can secure I a lease-in-perpetuity of the sweets of , office. The latest news in regard to peace prospects is that the Czar has Russian forbidden the ceesion of any Bombast part of Saghalien or the payand Bluster, ment of any indemnity. On the other hand the Japanese newspapers resent even the proposed partition of Saghalien — an arrangement which in the past proved unworkable — and urge the cessation of all negotiation if further concessions are demanded. Evidently, from the made by one of the Russian plenipotentiaries to The Times' corespondent, Russia is relyino- upon Britdsih intervention. It is stated that Great Britain has recently signed a new treaty with Japan, and in doing so has urged upon Japan the- desirability of concluding peace. But this news, coining jfirst. from a Russian source, is certainly tainted, and may be regarded > as in some sort a, wish which is father to the thought. There are unmistakable evidences that Russia is beginning io feel the financial strain,, despite the ridiculous: bombast circulated by a section of the Russian press. For instance* the Novoe Vremya has actually the insolence to suggest that inasmuch, as Japan is in pressing need of money, Russia might guarantee a Japanese war loan, etc. Tlie facts of the case are that .of the Russian internal loan of twenty millions, only j about £2000 was subscribed, whilst the Times' St. Petersburg correspondent reports that the Russian Treasury is ex- j hausted, and that the only two alternatives before the Czar are either to revert to a paper currency or to forcibly appropriate the wealth of the monasteries. This goes to bear out the prediction that if the war be continued Russia is likely to be hopelessly bankrupt long before Japan's resources- are exhausted. As Mr Eltzbachei remarks:— "Although Russia is nearer tc Europe than Japan, European investors open their purses to the Japanese but close them to the Russians. Russia's last and only financial resource is conSsca- ; tion, and already voices are heard advocating the plundering of the treasures whicib are accumulated ir the Russian churches and monasteries. But will confiscation eupply t-fife necessary funds for carrying on the war, if, as appears to be the 'case, the people are making an organised attempt to refuse paying the taxes?" With tlie knowledge that Russia s military strength and financial resources are alike exhausted, it is easy to understand the Japanese declaration that it is impossible to arrange peace with dreamers. And if a choice has to be. made between Japanese "Graven Images" and Russian "Dreamers," it must be confessed that everything is in favour of tihe "Graven Images" having the best of the bargain. According to latest news from Hongkong, American trade m America and China is paralysed by the China. Chinese boycott, and, despite the attempts of the authorities at Washington to minimise the effects of this hostile movement, there ?an be little doubt that it is assuming large and serious proportions. During all the twenty years of Chinese restricted immigration into America, the Government and people of the United States have endeavoured in every possible way to increase their commerce with China, and their efforts have met with marked success. With the exception of Japan no other country can show such a large and rapid growth of trade with China as can America. In 1903 American trade with China exceeded £8,000,000 in total volume, of which more than £2,000,000 was gained within the preceding fra* * ears. Under wise treatment, and with Ifhe maintenance of good relations between the two nations, the opportunities appeared excellent for an almost unlimited extension of this trade. But the Chinese, though naturally patient and conservative, are by no means forgetful, and in the Western boycott they have found a weapon ready to iihieir hands. Apparently they now essay to teach America that fair dealing and good fellowship are essential to the growth and prosperity of international commerce, and' they have touched Brother Jonathan in a very sensitive spot — his pocket. The movement to boycott American goods originated in Shanghai, one of the largest trade centres in the world, and has rapidly spread throughout the Chinese Empire. That it is an organised movement is evident from the fact that meetings were held in the principal Chinese cities, resolutions unanimously passed, and arrangements made to secure the concerted action, of all merchant guilds in China-. These guilds substantially control the commerce of the nation, both domestic and foreign, and they have it in their power to American trade in China to the most beggarly proportions. In effect the Chinese say to the people of the United States : — " You treat our people as you treat no others. You have boycotted Chinese labour for twenty years; now we will boycott American commerce." The situation is a serious one for America, and it is not to be expected that either smooth words or fair promises, much less threats of any kind, will remedy the wrone complained of. President Roosevelt recognises the difficulty, and is willing to make those concessions which a love . of fair play suggest ; but the President ' has to reckon " with the intense antiChinese sentiment of a section of politicians hailing from the Pacific slope, who i/ould sacrifice almost any amount of ,

trade rather than grant free ingress to the heathen Chinee.

It is stated, however, on good authority, that the Chinese people will Discrimination, be satisfied with something Xot Rcstric- far less than the concession tionthe of free emigration in unOffencD. limited quantities of

I Chinese labour into the , United States. So soon, as the United States Grovernmenfc is ready to deal with the Chinese immigrant as it deals with other aliens, and removes from the Chinese immigrant what is regarded as an undeserved mark of contempt and dis- • grace, the Chinese Government will cordially unite in supporting any reasonable j scheme of restriction. The peculiar regulations which govern the entrance of , Chinese into America are the outcome I of the popular belief that "all Chinamen looked alike, and the average American official cannot distinguish one from another."^ Thus it has happened that every Chinaman, whether labourer, mer- , chant, traveller, or student, who entered I, an American port has been held on board ship or committed to a pen, and practically dubbed a criminal until he was able to prove his innocence. Thus wihiistj with the exception of labourers, every Chinaman is free to enter" the United States, every Chinese visitor has practically been charged with an unlawful ; , attempt to violate the labour exclusion j ' law, the burden of proof as to innocence or guilt being torced upon him. In the eyes of Chinese authorities, this brutal system has appeared all the more inexcusable by reason of the fact that for centuries they have possessed a system of class discrimination which is simple, clear cut. and universally understood. i The Chinese "text of the original treaty . marks plainly the scope of its application, i and leaves no point in doubt. While there is no such thing as caste in the Chinese Empire, the entire mass of the population is divided into four classes, according to the profession, calling, or occupation of each, and these have official as well as common recognition. The terms " Shih-." " Nung," " Kung,", " Shang " are "heard everywhere, and seen in all their literature. They name these four classes, in order, from the highest to the lowest in their social rank or scale, and are easily translated as "scholars," "farmers," "labourers," "merchants." While this arrangement of gradation may seem strange to us, the Chinese have reasons for it at least sound in their eyes. The " Shih," educated men or literati, necessarily rank first and highest, since brains or intellect are better than the body. The " Nung," embracing all who cultivate the soil, rank only second, because they are producers, and hence of high value to every community and to the State at large. The "Kung," in which class is included all labour, skilled and unskilled, is placed third, because by the use of hands and brains they transform the less useful into what is of greater value a.nd service. Last and lowest come the "Shang," covering all who are engaged in the immense variety of commercial operations. These are so placed because, thus occupied, they add nothing to the common wealth. They neither produce nor transform ; they are simply the medium of interchange. In the Chinese text of the original exclusion treaty with America, the right granted to regulate, suspend, or limit immigration is confined in specific terms to the ''Kung," natives of the other three classes beingguaranteed freedom to enter or leave the United States at their pleasure, and are assured of the rights and privileges granted to aliens of any other nationalities. Here, then, in the adoption of the Chinese idea, is a solution of the difficulty which the United States Legislature will do wisely to agree to. Dunedin music lovers have been privileged to listen to the wonderful The Morality harmony produced by of Encores, those accomplished violinists, Hugo Heermann and his son Emil— a harmony which evoked an extraordinary outburst of enthusiasm on the part of the audiences assembled, and who in their turn called for many encores. Although the encore is understood to be the prerogative of the delighted auditor, and is undoubtedly intended as a compliment to the performer, yet the morality of the whole proceeding may justly be called in question. It has an exact relation to the practice which prevails in society circles of inviting a distinguished musician to dinner in the hope of afterwards extracting from him an item or two on the cheap. "Madame," replied Paganini, on the occasion when an invitation was pressed upon him, " many thanks, but my violin never dines." "'I greatly regret," once wrote Harold Bauer, the pianist, to a notorious musical parasite, " that I must decline your kind invitation to dinner, as I have hurt my thumb." It is the misfortune of the executive musician that he should be tihe only artist, whose victimisation is sanctioned by seSdety. The creative arts, by their nature, preclude a great deal of this " sponging." We have not yet arrived at the point when the visitors to a private view of an artist's studio express their delight at his pictures by requesting him to dasih oft" a few sketches that they may carry away with them. And yet at any concert where the musician or vocalist contracts to render a certain programme for a fixed consideration, the delighted audience demand that the performer shall give in the shape of encores of his precious nerve, and buoyancy, and enthusiasm. It is a curious conclusion of tbe practical money-making public that the musician is compelled to pay taxes in the way of encores for the privilege of living with his lovely art, and the public no more considers How he shall live with it than it speculates on the diet of the harping seraphim. It simply inverts the tramp's philosophy, believing that the musician owes it a tune. From the dawn

of art until recently the musician has been the "parasitos, the eater at another's table ; but since the eighteenth century he has changed places with his patron. The parasite has gone to the head of the table, and become his late minstrel's dearest enemy. But tihe situation is not so ugly as it looks, and the musician harbours little malice, for he realises that the musical parasite does not mean to be dishonourable, and is in fact merely thoughtless and naive. In a dim way he realises that his wrongs have persisted mainly besause he belongs to an inarticulate tribe, too saturated with idealism to complain clearly ; and he has trusted all along that if a champion should arise ungallant and voluble enough to voice his woes, they would Softly and puddenly vanish away, And never bo met with again.