THE WEEK,

Otago Witness, Issue 2086, 15 February 1894, Page 27

THE WEEK,

' Fanqnun »Und n»tar», allad stplentik dlxit," — JuTiKti,. 1 Goodattara ana good lenie mait erer join,"— Popi.

It is pretty evident, from the nature of recent telegrams from Wellington about the doings of the Lands department, that they have hitherto known little up there of the disregard of contracts upon which the "success" of the land policy is being partially built in the south. We must repeat what we said last week, that in otber ways much credit is due to the department and to the Minister for pushing the interests of settlement and devoting a good deal of trouble and ingenuity to overcoming the obstacles in its way. But the systematic plan of so manipulating the various leasing systems as to produce a totally delusive financial result is so new and so objectionable — its ingenuity we do not dispute — that the eyes of the taxpayers cannot too soon be opened to it. It is beginning to be understood down here — though, as we have mentioned, the Teaneraki fiasco shows that even in the south there are some people left who believe that if they promise to pay £1 they will have to pay 20s. But in the north they had not, it appears, " tumbled to " the plan at all. Thus our Wellington telegrams express grave surprise and consternation at the fact that a body of " special settlers " at Eketahuna — which is a place much affected by peregrinating Ministers when they want to bask in a little admiration — had sent in a petition to the Land Board alleging that they had undertaken to pay too much for their land, and askirjg for relief. Their claims seem to have been ably urged (arid there is always plenty to be said, very plausibly, for such claims) by Mr Hogg, M.H.R. — another instance, by the way, of the objections that exist to M.H.R.'s holding £eat 3on Land Boards, as this gentleman was, of course, being a member of the board, Loth advocate and judge in tha case in question. Our Wellington correspondent, in reporting the matter, gives the very natural North Island view — that is, the

Tho Leasing llocus-Pochs.

view of people hitherto unfamiliar with surrenders, revaluations, and the like. They naturally want to know where this will stop. The answer is, it will not stop. Cheviot, Pomahaka, Teaneraki, and the like mu6t be justified; their justification involves high reserves ; high reserves involve an early failure to pay them ; and failure to pay them involves quiet " revaluations " when the nominal rents demanded and responded to have served their political purpose. That is what is going on in the south ; and our northern friends will sooner or later have to recognise it as the south does.

Tho Sham It outs.

As though to enforce our remarks of last week with reference to certain peculiarities in the administration of the Lands department, quite a crop of applications came in to the Land Board last week for permission to surrender small grazing runs. This class of business has begun to take up so much of the board's time that one or two of the members expressed themselves as being desirous of acquiring further powers in the way of reduction of rents — presumably so that such applications might be polished off on receipt in a still more wholesale fashion than at present. As all these small grazing run licenses are of quite recent date, such an intimation from an official quarter is very significant to intending, but as yet hesitating, applicants for the " leases in perpetuity" and other leases now being advertised — for instance, at Cheviot, Pomahaka, and the several districts where small grazing runs will be offered this month. It appears as though the Land Board, or some members of it, were extremely anxious to let everybody understand that the board will back up by early and facile reductions to all and sundry the ingenious but wholly fallacious and financially disastrous Ministerial scheme of disposal upon which we commented last week.

Under such a plan, which is being sedulously followed out, it would of course be possible to show a paper profit on any purchase in the world — just as it would be (and has been) possible to show a paper increase of settlement in any district by counting in all the members of special settlement associations who join on the chance of drawing a fortunate number at the ballot, and are never heard of again when the lucky-bag carnival at the local land office is over.

The Teaneraki "special settlement" farm, purchased by the Government at a high figure from a local farmer, has not apparently been appreciated locally. The castiron plan of settling the perpetual rents, in order to gave the credit of the Government at the outset, seems to have been taken in earnest by the neighbouring people, who apparently really believe that the heavy rents named will be exacted. They are in a district where there has been little previous experience of what these pretences really mean. They do not know that so soon as a " profit " (of the Melbourne land boom kind) has been shown on the purchase money by comparing it with the rentals charged to settlers, and when the trumpets have been duly blown and the public pieached at on the supreme wisdom of the purchase as shown by the " profit," the process of reduction will be stealthily begun, and the rents in the course of a short time brought down to what people can really pay — which will leave a good big gap for the taxpayer to fill up. The public will not greatly notice the process ; and when the applications begin to get very numerous, why, the members of the Land Board can ask— as in the case of the small grazing runs, as to the rents of which a very similar scheme is being carried out for the same purpose of showing a " profit " on their previous use — for epecial powers to enable them to grant reductions with increased speed and facility.

The Railway Shuffle.

The miserable shuffle in which all the talk about the wicked Railway Commissioners has ended is no doubt becoming recognised now. The country has lost the services of the men who were personally obnoxious to the Premier, and has got those of others who may or may not be as good, but who at present at anyrate simply represent the success of a personal intrigue of Mr Seddon's, in which, of course, we do not for a moment suggest or believe that Messrs Bonayne and Scott themselves were concerned. We hardly suppose there is a single soul in the country who honestly believes that anything except Mr Seddon's prejudice has been served by the shuffle that has taken place. And we hope there are very few who, even if they could approve the shuffle itself, would have an approving word for the unfair and ungracious abruptness of Messrß Maxwell and Hannay'd dismissal. Under the present autocratic methods, indeed, it would seem that obscurity or sycophancy aie the alternatives before the capable civil servant who would keep his place. Eminence or independence are alike as fahal in the service nowadays as they are in the Turkish palace. In the one, they lead to curt dismissal at 24 hours' notice; in the other, perhaps via the Grand Viziership, to the bowstring and the Bosphorus. The new commissioners are now on their first tour of inspection, and we are sure they will be everywhere received with respect and wiib a de&ire to assißt them in their onerous and responsible dutie?. But they have already made it clear that they quite understand the Government " policy," which resulted in their appointment, to be a policy of mere shuffle. The " policy " was alleged to be twofold — first, the constitution of the boaid was to be changed, so thist it might have direct representation in Parliament (comiDg there, in fact, in " a questionable shape," in the Shakespearian sense) ; fcecond, we wtre to have a board with an "enlightened" policy, which would make " liberal " concessions and regard revenue as a secondary consideration to the " development of the country." The first part hae, as everybody knows, been totally disregarded in the change that has been made ; end now Messrs Ronayne and Scort tell us that the second will receive no notice at their hands. " They had been assailed with cues for concessions all down ths line; if they granted them 10 per cent, of the railway revenue would be gone at a stroke." We do not say the new commissioners are

wrong; but they have completed by this announcement the exposure of the shuffle.

A Success and An Assault.

The Anglican community in Otago (whom we congratulate) have obtained a cathedral; and Canon Scott, according to this week's cables, " declares that the position of the Anglican Church is a byword, owing to a selfish disregard of the interests of the people." These are two " churchy " items of the week, and they look rather odd in juxtaposition. Dealing with the first, it is to be hoped that few will be go absurd as to affect to perceive in the elevation of the status of St. Paul's Church an instance of the aristocratic affectation often alleged to be peculiar to the Anglican sect. Yv'e have never been disposed to admire the cheap and lazy doggedness with which Bishop Nevill's appeals in that behalf have been for many years received by the members of his church — clerical, we must add, as well as lay. If it is true, as " practical " men of that communion have been so fond of saying, that a cathedral " really makes no difference, don't you know — it's only St. Paul's under a new name, and with a lot more expanse and frippery attached to it " — then all we can say is that the Anglicans ought to have thought of that before. They ought to have thought of it before they indulged in a bishop at all. Having decided 20 years ago that they wanted a bishop, and having (at, we must frankly add, a minimum of personal sacrifice to themselves) supplied their want, any logical defence for turning up their noses at the technical advantages of a cathedral disappeared. We have no doubt whatever that a very right and proper step has been taken. The courageous persistency of Bishop Nevill, Whether in a right direction (as in the present and most other instances) or in the wrong one (as occasionally has happened) ought to secure him a more hearty support and loyalty from his people thaa they seem in general to be ready to afford him. Perhaps the cathedral with all its etceteras will lead to that ; the bishop and his people have our best wishes that it may be so. The secular view of the matter, if there is one, may be .summed up in the hope that sooner or later the externals at any rate of St. Paul's — which is not an ornament to the city in its present shape — may take on an appearance more in accord with the dignified name under which the edifice will henceforth be known.

A3 regards Canon Scott's impeachment of his Church, that kind of thing has been said very often, and never with absolute untruth. But if we exclude from consideration the spread of scepticism and irreligion (which, of course, affects all churches alike), and take into account only the extent of spiritual care for the people who actually seek it, we ■thiuk that the old complaint of exclusiveness and snobbery in the Anglican fold has distinctly lost force as time goes on. There are almost innumerable examples nowadays of men of the highest attainments in that church devoting their lives to labouring as curates among the poor and vicious, courting poverty and obscurity for the sake of the cause they desire to advance. If evolution in this direction is not yet so complete as Canon Scott would desire, it must be remembered that the status of the Anglican Church has only had a few centuries to drop from such an elevation in the State as that which the instances of Thomas s\ Becket, Wolsey, and Lang typify. The Reformation does not really break the descent of the Anglican Church, and with such a history it may well be allowed a little more time to find true and complete humility.

Out.

We are sorry for Mi Monk, bat he must have seen pretty well from the first that it was hopeless 1o expect his election to be suetained. His hopeful offspring bad made such an utter mess cf everything he touched, and had moreover touched so many things that he ought to have left alone altogether, that he alone would have been amply sufficient to wreck the whole business. As he took into his confidence, in addition, a miscellaneous collection of people who in various ways were evidently no better than they should be,theretributionthathaßfollowedwasdoub]y inevitable. Unfortunately in this case the sins of the children are visited upon the fathers — reversing the arrangement long ago promulgated as containing the essence of justice. Mr Monk loses his seat, and has in addition the painful duty of paying his friend Mr Jackson Palmer for putting him out — a sardonic refinement of cruelty, especially when it is remembered that the same Mr Jackson Palmer will very likely step into the vacant place himself. It is very satisfactory that the end of this case was prompt and peremptory. If such proceedings as those which were Bhown up in the Waitemata election case were not to void an election, we might as well repeal at once all the safeguards with which we have endeavoured to secure the purity of the ballot. It has been agreed to consider Mr Monk as being ignorant of the things that were beicg done, and we dare say that as regards details he was ; still, this was a ca3e in which illegal means were so lavishly and so openly used on his behalf and by his nearest of kin that if the principle of responsibility of the candidate for illegal acts, committed by bis agents unknown to him, were ever to be applied, ib must certainly have been applied against the unfortunate ex-member for Waitemata. We hope that the refusal of the judges to indemnify Mr Monk, jun., agaicßt prosecution for the offences admitted in his evidence wilJ not be followed by further action against that misguided young man. He made an utter fool of himself, as well as of bis evidently too trusting parert, and he deserves a Bharp rap over the fingera. But two things may fairly be remembered in his favour — first, that his offence has already been pretty severely punished ; and second, that it was but enthusiasm in a father's cause that led him into the mischief that has proved so disastrous.

A " Koyul Exchange."

This week's cables informs us of the Chancellor of the German Empire having formally assured the Reichstag that the Duke of Edinburgh (now by inheritance Dake of Saxe-Coburg) is no longer a British subject. The fact is rather odd when recorded of a son of the British Queen ; but the end of this century is prolific of

oddities in the royal and imperial way, and an announcement that would have horrified all England in the days of her conquests will hardly excite a second thought now. There are, however, some practical considerations connected with the matter which will certainly be accorded some emphatic attention. There was a debate about Duke Alfred in the House of Commons in Christmas week, during which assurances were given by Mr Gladstone on that prlnce'B behalf which are somewhat inconsistent with the German announcement. The Duke, it seemp, has been the recipient of Parliamenta»y favours on two occasions. In 1860, when he came of age, an act was passed giving him £15,000 a year; and in 1873, when he became engaged to the Czar's daughter, another statute bestowed npon him a further £10,000 a year. The former sum he proposes now to voluntarily renounce ; but the marriage settlement of £10,000 a year (reinforced, it may be mentioned, by a Russian annuity of £40,000 to his wife) he wishes to continue to add to his enormous private revenues as Duke of Saxe-Coburg. In return for the proceeds of this somewhat unprincely piece of haggling, his Royal Highnets graciously signifies his intention of " habitually passing a portion of the year in England, and maintaining his establishment at Clarence House"— a boon which Mr Gladstone apparently agrees with him in thinkiDg cheap to the Empire at £10,000 a year. We confers that to us the price appears a little steep ; but the Prime Minister met a very strong objection of Mr Labouchere's by declaring that " he was sure the House would not wieb his Royal Highness to sever the tie 3 which for so long had existed between him and this country, or that the expense of his periodical visits to England should be borne by the people of Saxe-Ooburg." Apparently ifc never occurred to Mr Gladstone that his Royal Highness (who is enormously rich — far more co than his elder brother of Wales) might conceivably pay these expenses himself — or stay at Saxe-Cobnrg and save them. Since then, the German Government has formally declared that Prince Alfred has ceased to be a British subject. Under these circumstances tbe "severing of the ties" and all the rest of it must be considered as having taken place, and the question now is, will the British nation continue to spend £10,000 a year in order that an ex-English-man who has renounced his nationality and taken an oath of allegiance to a foreign sovereign may be able to run a palace in London free of charge, wherein to spend the holidays (if any) which the cares of administering the vast Empire of Saxe-Ooburg may leave at bis disposal. We suppose it will the British taxpayer is a patient beast.