EPOCHS IN IRISH HISTORY.

Otago Witness, Issue 2006, 4 August 1892, Page 39

EPOCHS IN IRISH HISTORY.

Bt R. N. Adams

No. LXXX. COMMERCIAL SUICIDE. WHITE BOYS AGAIN.

Ireland was at this time the paradise of agitators. The mob loved to stand round the man who was able to work himself and others into a frenzy of passion against the laws, the administration, the votes of the House of. Commons, or the perverseness of the English. Newspapers that could most coarsely rail against all constituted authority, were the most popular. The influence spread from the towns to the agricultural districts, and trie consequence was another rising of the White boy 3, who, true to the traditions of their predecessors, singled out with much care and scrupulousness, the homesteads and persons of Protestants for their attacks. In 1784 these offences against the peace of the Protestant communities became suddenly very numerous and barbarous. Then followed the old custom of digging a pit, lining its sides with a prickly bush, and then taking their victim, stripped naked for the purpose, and planting him in the pit, which was filled up in such a manner as to lause the thorns to be forced against the unprotected body until only the head was visible above ground. Barns, stacks of corn, outhouses, and property of all sorts, being the possessions of Protestants, were destroyed in the mo3t wanton manner. These bands were principally organised in Munster and Leinster, where they carried on their acts of violence with little opposition, perpetrating their outrages at night, while in the day time they were either hidden away, or apparently going about their ordinary occupations.

CATHOLICS AND VOLUNTEERS.

When the volunteers fotmd they were not able to force their claims or crude political notions upon Parliament, many of their best remaining men began to fall away. The men who had, in the first instance, joined ihe body for legitimate defence against invasion had long retired from the ranks ; and as they were now, not only a collection of very inferior men, but had received into their nutnbor many of the lowest specimens of Irish character, they sought to recruit their ranks by alsc admitting Roman Catholics. In addition to this, several companies of volunteers passed resolutions authorising their drill sergeant to attend at certain places for the purpose of instructing in the use of arms all persons, irrespective of rank or religious persuasion. The Dublin resolution was to this effect : — " The training to the use of arms eveiy honest and industrious Irishman, however moderate his property or depressed his situation, is a measure of the utmost utility to this kingdom, and would produce a valuable acquisition to the volunteer arms and interest." But the movement was crumbling to its fall. It had done some good service, outlived its usefulness, usurped a power outside its functions, initiated some pernicious notions, grown too great for its own vitality, become corrupt, and must at last give place to other forms. It was inimical to the enforcement of law, and antagonistic to the civil administration, and without legal sanction. In consequence of this Gardiner moved for a sum of L 20.000 to reorganise the militia— a motion which, after a spirited debate, was carried, and the requiem bell of the volunteer movement began to toll.

COMMERCIAL BESOLUTIONS.

Ones more the Opposition were given the opportunity of adopting a measure for the benefit of their distressed country, but through their stiff determination to reject every proposal emanating from the Government, they used every means to oppose an attc-mpt macse in the sincorcst faith for the identification of Ireland's interest in the maritime regulations of England. Tho subject wah brought before the House in a series of 12 resolutions by the Secretary of State. Ie was a proposal for a reciprocal arrangement for the exchange of cornuvjdities, and for the defence of merchant ships. The patriots, were unable to apprehend the advantages that would accrue to Ireland from such a compact They were to export to England and to any part of the empire on the same terms as English merchants, and to import in the same manner, while only contributing a small amount from the " hereditary revenue" towards the cost of the navy required for the protection of the ships. The following extracts from the speech of Mr Brownlow will indicate the temper in which the proposal was met by the patriots: — " I confess, sir, I could hardly suppress my indignation whilst the right honourable gentleman wa3 speaking. I am really astonished that any man should be bold enough to move such a proposition in this House, and I should deem myself a slave if I could tamely hear it made. Does the right honourable gentleman mean that we should be made a tributary nation ? Is this the boasted extension of our commerce ? Is this the reciprocal advantage we were to enjoy ? Sir, I reject the gift, and I hurl it back with scorn I I will never consent to be a slave nor to pay tribute. lam

ready to die rather than be a slave. Sir, it is well for the right honourable gentleman that he is in a civilised country; had he made such a proposition in a Polish diet, he would not have lived to carry back an answer to his master." Flood also was vehement in his opposition, but to the oredit of Grattan he saw and approved of the principle of tho proposal, speaking to it in these words : " The resolutions I think absolutely indispensable. They have a threefold principle. The first is, after'the expenses of the nation are paid, to contribute to the general expense of the empire. The second is, that by making the surplus not applicable to the general expense until all expenses are paid, it interests both the English and the Irish ministers in Irish economy. Tho third is, to subject that surplus to the control of the Irish Parliament. If the other resolutions had not passed, these ought still to be supported. They put an end to debt ; they decide the great question of 1753; they establish economy ; they make the British Ministry a guarantee to the integrity of this House, and the economy of Irish administration. The plan is open, fair, and just, and such as the British Minister can justify to both nations." The resolutions were carried, and eventually, having passed the House of Lords, they were transmitted to England for approval.

riTT'S VIEW j}J? THE PROPOSAL,

They were laid before a committee of the English House of Commons on the 22nd Febrnary by the Premier, Mr Pitt, who in doing so said " that until within a few years the prevailing system had been that of debarring Ireland from the enjoyment and use of her own resources. It had been the object of Gjvernment to make Ireland completely subservient to the interests and opulence o£ Great Britain, without suffering her to share in the bounties of Nature or in the indastry of her citizens, or making them contribute to the general interests and strength of the empire. This system of cruel restraint had, however, been exploded. It was at once harsh and unjust, and it was as impolitic as it was impressive, for, however necessary it might be to the partial benefit of a certain district in Britain, it did not promote the real prosperity and strength of the empire. That which had been the system counteracted the kindness of Providence, and suspended the industry and enterprise of man. Ireland .was put under such restraint that she was shut out from every species of commerce. She was restrained from sending the prodac6 of her own soil to foreign markets, and all correspondence with the colonies of Britain was prohibited to her, so that she could not deiive their commodities but through the medium of Britain. This was the system which had prevailed, and this was th«s state of thraldom in which that country had been kept ever since the revolution. Some relaxation of the system, indeed, took place at an early period of this century ; some more of the restrictive laws were abated under George II ; but it was not until within seven years that the system had been completely reversed. It was not to be expected but that when Ireland, by the more enlarged sentiments of the present age, had acquired an independent legislature, she would instantly export her produce and manufactures to all the markets of the world. She did so, and this was not all. England withont any compact or bargain generally admitted her to a share in her colonies. She ga?e her liberty to import directly, and to re-export to all the world except to Britain the produce of her colonies. Thie much was done some years ago, but to this moment no change had taken place Detween Great Britain and Ireland themselves. Some trivial points, indeed, had been changed, but no considerable change had taken place in our manufactures exported to Ireland, or in theirs imported to England. That therefore which had been done was still viewed by the people of Ireland as insufficient, and clamours were excited, and suggestions published in Dublin and elsewhere of putting duties on our produce and manufactures under the name of protecting duties. Having thus far relaxed from the system which had been maintained since the revolution ; having abandoned the commercial subserviency in which we had so long persevered, and having so wisely and justly put them into a state in which they might cultivate and profit from the gifts of Nature ; having secured to them the advantages of their arts and industries — it was to be observed that we had abolished one system and had established another ; but we had left the intercourse between the two countries exactly where it was. There were but two possible systems for countries situated in relation to one another like Britain and Ireland — the one having the smaller completely subservient and subordinate to the greater ; to maka the one aa it were an instrument of advantage, and to make all its efforts operate in favour of, and conduce merely to the interests of the other. This system had been tried in respect to Ireland. The other was a participation and community of benefits, and a system of equality and fairness*, which without tending to aggrandise the one cr depress the other should seek the aggregate interests of the empire. Such a situation of commercial equality, in whiuh there was to be a community of benefits, denvmded also a community of burthens. It was on tkat general basis that he was solicitous of moving the proposition which he hole) in Lid hand, to complete a 6ybteni which Lad been left unfinished and defective." The propositions were remitted to a committee of the House of Commons, and after a careful investigation of the ciicumstances which would be affected by the scheme, the proposals were increased in number to 20. The object of the additional eight was " chiefly to provide that whatever navigation laws the British Parliament should thereafter find it necessary to enact for the prsservation of her marine, the same should be passed by the Legislature of Ireland ; against the importing into Ireland, aud thence into Great Britain any other West India merchandise than such as were the produce of our own colonies; and that Ireland should not trade with any of the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope, to the Straits of Magellan, so long as it should be thought necessary to continue the charter of the English to the East India Company."

After a vigorous debate, caused by a feeling that the measure offered great concessions to Ireland which would be injurious, to England, the vote was oarried by a substan-

tial majority. The opposition, strange enough, came from the party of whom Mr Fox and Lord North were the leaders. The House of Lords passed the resolutions. They were then put in form as a bill, and held over for the decision of the Irish Parliament.

IN THE IEISH COMMONS.

On the receipt of the despatch from England, the Irish Secretary of State moved ior leave to bring in a bill giving force to the resolutions ; but the mere fact that England had ventured to add to the resolutions conditions on which she was willing to enter into this mutual agreement of equal commercial rights and privileges created a perfect tempest of opposition.' Apparently in their opinion the English should accept their proposals in globo. England had no right to suggest any terms or ask for any mutual responsibility. Ireland was to be placed under the protection of the British flag, to share in the safety offered to traders guaranteed by the British navy, but she was to contribute nothing to its maintenance. Ireland would take all she could gei, and ask for more, but became indignant when asked to enter into an agreement to pay a share of the expenses. Provided her surplus should warrant it after all her domestic expenses were paid. The alterations and additions made in England had been published in anticipation, and indignation meetings had been the order of the day over the whole country. Numerously-signed petitions denouncing the measure were laid upon the table of the House of Commons, and the Opposition were prepared for the battle, the coming of which was well known to the Government, although they did not expect such a tornado of denunciation as greeted the request for leave to introduce a bill. Again Flood rushed to the attack with great vehemence, and poured all the force of his invective upon it. Grattan, who had given support to the proposals as they were originally the House, now vied with Flood in his extravagant utterances in its condemnation, and contended that England's demand was a " revocation of the constitution." Mr Orde sought to convince the House that England meant no injustice or unfairness, much loss treachery, as she waa offering good value for the return stipulated for. She was offering the freedom of trade and protection of the navy which had cost her centuries to secure and untold treasure to accomplish ; she was offering what must result in immense benefit to Ireland at a trifling coat, and a merd uniformity of marine law. His words only proyoked howls of opposition, Grattan interjecting the remark that if it meant a question of the sacrifice of the Empire or absolute Irish independence he would say " perish tho Empire." On being put to the vote after a whole night of storm and if>ge, at 9 o'clock in the morning leave was granted by a bare majority of 19.

Two days later the bill was brought in, and the storm resumed its fury. Flood having once more secured the position he coveted, as the idol of the patriots, moved : " That wo hold ourselves bound not to enter into any engagements to give up the sole and exclusive right of i'arliament to legislate for Ireland in all cases, externally, commercially, or internally." The Attorney-general made a wise and powerful speech, in which he pointed out with great clearness that England's intentions were honourable, and were regarded as a sacrifice for the sake of Ireland. Already in reference to colonial trade they were acting on the same principle as they were now asked to follow in reference to shipping laws. If liberty was not menaced by the^ono no more was it by the other. Tho advantages were that Irish meichants were to be permitted to trade tj every possession of Great Britain, provided Ireland adopted the laws by which she regulated her trade, and that they traded as British subjects trade. Every advantage which British subjects enjoyed was offered to them. Iv proof of his argument that there wad uo selfishness in the agreement on the part of England, he pointed out that the bill guaranteed Ireland's linen trade, " to promote which England taxed her own consumption L 450.000 yearly. On the German and Eussian linen she lays a heavy duty, and is content to pay an advanced price for the Iri3h. Yet Russian and German manufacturers could in some degree meet Ireland in the English market. If the duty were taken off they would beat her out of it altogether."

No argument, no amount of stern facts would, however, appease the patriotic temper in face of the imagined wrong to Irish independence. No facilities for commerce, no augmentation of trade, no pictures of industrial and business revival, would compensate for the insult offered to perfect liberty. They were inflexible, and when the vote was again taken it was even a smaller majority than on the preceding event, and resulted in the bill being abandoned. Ireland held high festival over the victory she had gained, little dreaming she had taken a step which waa one of several others so false that she should for decades groan under the burden of her ovn folly.