Page 20 Advertisements Column 4

Otago Witness, Issue 1916, 6 November 1890, Page 20

Late Advertisements. I | TO THE ELECTORS OF BRUCE. I r^ENTLEMEN, — According to my proVX mise I now proceed to lay before you my views upon the principal political topics which at present engage the publio mind. Allow me first, by way of preface, to say a few words on the practice of canvassing electors individually. In my opinion, it is " a practice more honoured in the breach than the observance," being open to these three serious objections: It is an attempt to invade the secrecy of the ballot ; it is quite useless for enabling the elector, after but a few minutes' conversation, to gauge the fitness of the candidate ; and it seeks to fetter the elector's choice of the fittest among all candidates who may enter the field — a choice which, in the interests of the public, should be left open until the last moment. What each elector chiefly wants (or should want) to know is — first, the political principles professed by the candidate, and, next, whether he possesses adequate powers of speech to maintain them. It is obvious that the best means of informing electors on these points are a printed statement setting forth the candidate's views and his subsequent 6poken addresses. I therefore make no apology for confining my electioneering exertions to this explicit statement of my views and the subsequent delivery of spoken addresses (of which due notice will be given) in as many suitable places in the electoral district as I can visit before the polling day (December 5). LAND LEGISLATION AND ADMINISTRATION. The present statute law, if wisely and liberally administered, appears to me to offer every reasonable facility and inducement for the settlement of an industrious population upon the remaining Crown lands. Frequent alteration of the land law is an acknowledged evil, tending to destroy public confidence in the stability of land tenure and to keep away that class of immigrants so much needed to develop the agricultural and pastoral resources of the colony — I mean the practical farmer, with a moderate amount of capital. Except, therefore, for the purpose of correcting merely mechanical or formal defects, 1 would deprecate further legislation, more especially such as would prohibit the alienation of the freehold or attempt the introduction of visionary schemes such as "land nationalisation." PUBLIC BORROWING, THE PUBLIO EEVENUE, AND TAXATION. I am strongly opposed to further borrowing unless a case of absolute necessity should be clearly made out by the Government, and it is made equally clear that the material interests of the colony would suffer irretrievably if Parliament withheld its consent. Excessive borrowing by successive Governments and wasteful expenditure have already burdened the colony with a load of debt which for many years must severely strain its resources. On the 31st March last the net public debt (after deducting sinking fund) was £37,284,518, of which about £961,300 remained unexpended. The expenditure for the current year (1890-91) was estimated by the Colonial Treasurer at £4,127,417. By a resolution of the Lower House, accepted by the present Government, that estimate was reduced by £50,000, making the amount £4,077,417. Of that sum, £3,250,000 has to be placed each year in London to pay interest upon the public debt. That leaves the narrow margin of £827,417 to defray the expenses of every department of the Government service. The question now is by what method or methods of taxation is a revenue to be raised sufficient to cover the estimated expenditure of £4,077,417. Of the two methods of taxation, direct upon property or indirect by way of duties on imports, I am decidedly in favour of the former, because I am and always have been a firm believer in Freetrade, as opposed to the other system which impedes the free exchange of the diverse products of the earth, cripples commerce, greatly increases the cost of many of the necessaries of life, and, in the case of protective duties, enriches a few manufacturers at the expense of the great bulk of the community. But the absolute necessity of raising so large a revenue to meet our liabilities makes it imperative to resort to both methods of taxation, because the adoption of either alone would work serious injustice. Direct taxation alone (with, of course, fair exemption under a certain value) would throw the whole burden upon a comparatively small section of the community, and allow the bulk to go scot free. Indirect taxation alone would be altogether too oppressive to the masses, who are the chief consumers of dutiable goodp, and less able than those deriving large incomes from fixed capital or otherwise to bear such taxation. Therefore we must needs have import duties as well as direct taxation ; and, although opposed on principle to protective duties, I think it expedient, so long as the necessity for import duties lasts, to adjust their incidence so as to stimulate and encourage local manufactures, and thus give employment to native industry. As regards direct taxation, I am in favour of the continuance of the present property tax as being, on the whole, the fairest and most productive tax of that kind. The proposal which finds favour with some politicians, to