Our American Letter.

Otago Witness, Issue 1583, 25 March 1882, Page 8

Our American Letter.

San Fkanoisco, February 11th,' A PRETENTIOUS SCHEME BUBST. '

I1I 1 think that the United States is to be con* gratulated on the change of Administration* When Guiteau exclaimed, after his sentence, "Nothing but good has come from Garfield's removal, and that will be the verdict of posterity on my inspiration," he spoke the naked truth. If JamesA.^Garfield had lived and James G. Blame had retained his. office i as " premier," or grand vizier, this country would have had a pretty lively war upon its hands by this time; and of 'it is well out of the 'wood of international strife it is owing to the prompt action of President Arthur and Secretary Frelinghuysen, and to the use of the telegraph-in counteracting, Blame's warlike instructions. Mr Blame, as Secretary of State, conceived an idea that by means of a Congress of American Powers^ he could prevent war between rival Republics, and' elbow the European Powera quite off this Continent. He wanted to absorb the South American trade, and to play lord paramount. To that .end he invited a Con« gress of the American Governments, in* eluding Brazil, and offered to pay the expenses of the delegates— a necessary precaution in some cases. President Garfiela went heartily in for this Congress, as indeed he did for anything Blame proposed, that politician leading him by the nose all the time. But the South American War stood; in - the way of success, and it was necessary *t© bully Chile into surrendering the fruits of victory, and accepting such terms as the United States Government would name as essential to the territorial integrity and financial standing of Peru. My readers will remember how it happened that Minister Kilpatrick at Santiago di Chile, and Minister Hurlbut at Lima, got into loggerheads regarding their instructions, and how Admiral Lynch arrested acting-President Calderon, and packed him off to Valparaiso as a reply to Hurlbut's bluster about the United States. To set matters to rights a special mission, consisting of Mr Trescott, late commissioner to China, and Blame's son was accredited to the various South American Governments proffering the good offices of the United States, and urging mutual forbearance in the interest of Republican institutions. At least, that was what the country thought ; in reality, Trescott was invested with authority to enforce his demands upon Chile at the cannon's mouth. When President Arthur and his Secretary of State came to read.these instructions they were " filled with apprehension ,and dismay," because they were of a character to compel a declaration of war by Chile. The Secretary of State sought a personal interview with the Chilean Minister, and assured him that the offensive paragraph in Trescott's instructions did not express the President's opinion, and that no time had been lost in sending other instructions to that gentleman. Still there was a chance of Trescott forcing a crisis before the American warship could bridge the gap in the telegraphic circuit. As the United States is wholly unable to cope with Chile at sea, the position of a great country playing the bully and eating humble pie to escape a whipping by a little one is not pleasant, and nearly everyone felt hurt and mortified. San Francisco lies at the mercy of any Chilean ironclad, which might range outside the Golden Gate and destroy the city. Blame is furious, and has begun a series of attacks upon the President by letteAstating that he had approved of the Congres4B|pd haa seen and corrected Trescott's instructions. This, however, is denied. Furthermore, however, he appeals to the anti-British sentiment, and charges the Administration with humbugging the United States "for fear of creating jealousy and ill-will on the part of the Monarchial Governments of Europe," or "the robber Governments of Europe" as he more frequently designates them. This charge, added to the imputation that Frelmghuysen is prepared to sacrifice 120,000,000d0l annual balance against the United States on its Spanish- American trade, to conciliate England, is put forward to create a prejudice against the Administration, and advance his own popularity as a presidential candidate. "This vast balance was paid last fiscal year (he writes) by the United States in foreign exchanges, and a very large proportion of it wont to England, where shipments _of cotton, la-eadsttiffs, and provifions supplied the money, li anything should change or check the balance in our favour in European trade, our commercial exchanges with SpanishAmerica would drain off our reserve of gold coin at a rate exceeding 100,000,000d0l per annum, and would probably precipitate a suspension of specie payments in this country. Such result at home might be a little worse, than a little

jealousy and ill-will alfroad. Ido not say, Mr President, that holding) a peace Congress will necessarily change the currents of trade, but it will bring the United States into kindly relations with all American nations, it will promote a reign of peace, and law and order. It will increase production and consumption, and will stimulate a demand for articles which American manufacturers can furnish with profit. It will, at all events, be a friendly and auspicious beginning in the direction of 4-me-rican influence and American trade, in a large field which we have hitherto greatly neglected, and which has been practically monopolised by , our'commercial rivals in Europe." iThis specious appeal to popular prejudice and ignorance was written for publication, as Blame informs the President, to offset the Frelinghuysen dispatch which suggested .that I ".the. proposed Congress might not tend to peace.because it was based upon a partial confidence on the part of the American Powers, and was calculated to create jealousy and ill will on the part of friendly Powers. excluded from it. Mr Blame is a rampant Protectionist, and he does not understand that the United States does not command the Spanish-Ameri-can trade solely on account of its tariff. Spanish America produces the raw material of manufactures, most of which we tax heaVily. England" admits it duty free, and as it buys the raw material cheap it can sell its manufactures cheap, the converse being the casehvith the United States. But it is a good elebtion cry, notwithstanding. Back of all this, however, is a huge speculation in which Mm'ister Hurlbut is interested in Peru, and for participating in which he has received^ leav,e of | absence to visit Washington. It is neither .more nor .less than to obtain control of the, nitrate beds under a bogus claim, known as.' the 'Laudreau claim, which Secretary Fish decided to be utterly wjorthl less and dishonest in 1874, and instructed the ' Minister at Lima to take nonotiqe of. Laudreau never was an American citizen^ and 'had a record as a swindler. He drifted to Peru after its financial troubles began,; procured a map, and laid claim to the discovery of nitrate in every piece of territory in which it might be supposed to exist. ' Upon the strength of. this he asked the promised concessions for the discovery of new nitrate-beds, and failing recognition by the Peruvian Government he filed a claim for 7,000,000d61, and induced the American .Minister to take it up. Hence Secretary Fish's investigation and ' disapproval. Meanwhile Laudreau transferred his claim to an American Syndicate, with the notorious Bobs Shepha'rd at' its head, which has incorporated as the Peruvian Company} and the amount now sought for from Peru is several hundred million dollars. Blame, as Secretary of State, became' interested, and instructed Hurlbut to place the claim in such position as to Secure for it legal recognition. Acting-Presi-dent Calderon was disposed to do anything Hurlbut asked in lieu of his recognition and support by the" United. States, and Blame was bound to prevent Chile annexing the nitrate territory of i Peru, and exacting 200,000 i 0p0dol ■ war> indemnity, or the Peruvian Company, < with its powerful lobby and probable campaign fund in> 1884 for the Presidential contest, bould not realise upon its bogus claim. . Hence the Trescott mission, and the desperate effort Blame is making to popularise his South Ame-, rican pelicy. Hurlbut also negotiated (With Calderon for -the transfer of an unfinished Government railroad, with a coaling-station at the port of Coquimbo, and the monopoly of coal. and other mines. The coaling-station was to be granted to t;he United States Government, but the: instrument conveyed nothing be- ( >i yond, giving Hurlbut and his money backers in this country a colourable . claim jupon , Peru.- The dispatch' in which Hurl- ' 'but announces -this . transaction is the scandalous,) declaration of diplomatic venality on record. But the ambassador ,does not ap,,pear,,to be, conscious of any wrongdoing.] He .evidently .conceives that his official ,po|itipn should be used to make money whenever practicable. In, this, he does, but imitate tnany others on the diplomatic roll, but they, manage; to cover Up 'their tracks a little. Hurlbpt— a' former /general of. Volunteers and commander at New Orleans, from which command h^> was' removed for, his love of filthy lucre, on the ' report of a board of general officers-4-took n credit to' himself for promoting American cn 1 ; ,terprise ,in Peru, and, although Blame repn-' mandedhim severely he doubtless would' have condoned the offence. Hurlbut returns to Washington, having stolen a railroad, and mineral belt in Peru ; Blame must defend hhn- ' self before a Congressional committee, which is certain to, investigate the Peruvian Company's lobby and claim ; and Trescott has had his fangs drawn, it being, said that he wrote the , belligerent paragraph in his letter of instructions, Blame having adopted it. If war had been forced upon Chile under these circumatances, England, France, and [Germany, having overshadowing interests in that.coun- ' try, would have interposed at a very J early , .date. As it is, the United States has been put in a very humiliating position, as well jupon this as regarding the ,Olayton-Bulwer treaty. Wlien one thinks of these things,, the " inspiration')' of Guiteau, judged by results and by the text in Joel— "Shall there f bs evil in a city, and Lhave not done it,saith.theLord?"— is one of those problems which papseth all understanding. So, far, his own reading of it has been correct. . I > , . .i SIR HENRY PARKES AND AUSTRALIAN i RECIPROCITY. • ' j .When Sir Henry Parkes arrived here fie was well received, and I have reason to knby that, he leaves, with a kindly appreciation of this city,, where' he was hospitably entertained. , The same > remark applies to Sacramento, where hei was the -Governor's guest. He was interviewed, as a matter of course, and his . mission was not favourably received by the Press as a whole. The idea of Sir Henry asking the. United States to remit the duty on Australian wool because it would put money nto the pockets of Australian woolgrowefs and take it out of Uncle Sam's Treasury, was regarded as a goodjoke. If Australia could reciprocate, the States might' be inclined to trade ; but the Irish article of reciprocity, , which is all one-sided, did not commend; itself ) to practical American minds. Moreover, "Protection" has a decided grip upon the Press and people of the United States.! It is all wrong, no doubt, but it will take time and constant work to change it. Above all, the Republican party is committed to Protection, , nd the Administration thinks altogether that way. Sir Henry will be courteously received but he will create no impression in the official ranks ; and by the very character of his rela; tions to the British Legation and Government he cannot approach congressmen and senators and impress them with the advantage! to be derived from heading-off British trade |at the antipodes. A similar fate would befall the 4gent-general, or other exalted Colonial officials detailed for any such mission. They would be entirely out of place, having to negotiate through the British Embassy ; and they would be asking favours from a foreign Power which, if granted, would be opposed to British interests. I write this because I know whereof I speak, and because the well-intentioned gentleman who crammed Sir Henry Parkes with ' Chamber of Commerce statistics did not understand the position at all, I don't say

by any means that a concession is impossible, but it will not be secured in that way, neither will it be secured through the Pacific Mail or any other chartered company. If any corporation appears before Congress asking anything it is "bounced," despite its merits. The history of 100 lobbies tells this story. I only hope the concession to your woolgrowers may be made, and that the Pacific mail may; get a subsidy, but the Woolgrowers' Convention of the United States has been recently in convention, and as it represents a vast voting power I fancy its utterances will be potential ; and as" for the subsidy, John' Roach, has been' ahead with his Brazilian , scheme, and' the heavy advance trade balance of ( the United' States yearly to, back; him up in, his appeal for an appropriation. „ . • , ! The question of mail subsidy \vas before Con' Sqss in another shape some time before Sir, e'nry Parkes 1 arrival, and the danger is that the position he may take up will conflict jvith what has been already done. ' However, j am. aware that he has been fully informed of the, facts, and therefore will t not ,act in ignorance,. Mr Creighton had. applied to the Postm'afetei, 1 : general to ( recommend the annual ' appropriation of ' the total transit (jharge "upon | the enclosed mail in aid of direct, steamship' communication between S^n Franciscp, New Zealand, \ and Australia, 'for reasons set out by him i andthe Postmaster-general^ informed' liim" jthat he had transmitted his letter with enclosures to Congress for consideration. This ,'was on the 10th of December. ■ The Post-office Appropriation Bill has only been reached, however, and no action has therefore been taken. I understand Mr , Creighton had .besppken Congressional and newspaper aid, ..and he had also the satisfaction of knowing' that Postmas-ter-general Jones, 'before leaving office, recommended a renewal of. last year's appropriation of 40,000db1. 'The 'total payment would be about £20,000 sterling, per annum, if the proposition submitted by Mr C. be adopted/ and which I fancy' he might carry, if not traversed by impossible "demands affecting principles of national policy j upon which American opinion is tenacious. However, that is the Colony's look-out. ' New Zealand cannot afforel to drop its American.connectibn,' and lam satisfied it, has nothing to expect from New'^outh Wales, which'' 'fan'oies ''it ' is ' paying* far too much towards r "'the ' Pacific mail; sei 1^ vice, and is , 'realty '/to, ' discontinue itwhenever it conveniently ' can. ; I'thinlj the New Zealand Government and • producers should ■ consider their, own interests firsl^ and last ; and if they dd that America would not be indisposed . to treat 'it exceptionally .if the way of doing so, without raising an international question,, were' pointed out. 5 One thing I ' would have you remember, and' it is this. Men do not hunt' bees with a brass band, but that. is precisely what the. woolgrowers' and Chambers of Commerce have done in their hunt after the American tariff. It is t bad policy to make a noise when asking a favour. They have shown there' is a great deal ,of i money in the tariff, concession sought for, and by so doing have greatly increased the dimcultyiin the way of convincing Congress arid the American Press— which rules Congress-rth'afc any concession should be made. The Adminis.tration takes no direct part in legislation in this country, although of course it 'has > very' great influence in shaping its course. ODDS AND ENDS'.,- '' ['"'[> ' I could fill a column with jottings, but a few lines must suffice, as I am tired, and tyour readers must be equally jexhauste^ \ Mrl Charles Bright has lectured here, to] fair audiences', and created ' a good' impression., He' will dd better East, whither he' is %pvng. f His health, which was precarious , when he arrived, has' greatly improved. , ' () '" ' } „ , ' A new steamship 'company to trade between ,San Frarici^cb' and "Honolulu has been formed. The company will 'charter two English steamers equal /to' the Australia and' Zealandia, and cut intothe'Pacific mail trfetde while two American; steamship^ are being built. ( ' '' ' ■ \ " ' " ' ' 1 ' We paid over ltf.OOfyOOOdor of tji'e .djibjic debt last month, and 'will' 'soon issue,' a 8 ( pe,ri cent, refunding loan, re'de'emabj^ at the obtiou of the', Government for. 200;000 ? QQ0dol:' jThis., w^ll effect 'a large saving in' interest." ( Trajde |is, everywhere brisk, ','W^ have, experienced Jittle. inconvenience' Ffrojrni'tW financial' '''crisis, in. Europe. ■ Th'e r l dnly|'tnin£ tb be 'ftreadfed is ex-, , cessive railroad 'competition, bujj-recse^'t {combinations indicate a' conservative movement. , 'California; and indeed the States generally, are getting into shape for the ' November-elec-tions. We, begin organising and, trading off votes very early. > I do not happen ,tb know any party # cry, except it be " anti-monopoly,", and that is a blackmailing pretence anyhqw; ' I was not surprised at the result of your electipns, although I did regret the enforced retirement of many old and worthy public, men. .Hjere a 1 Congressman or State Assemblyman has a two years's lease -of Jife, and he, doea ,not begin to' "know the ropes" untU ne is "fired ouj;.",; Result -in the State: j total absence 'of any .continuous public policy, ring manipulation, machine politics, and scrub representatives; 'lam not an admirer ', of jshort Parliament's. They hinder the 'development pf statesmanlike they import; the methods of! demagoguery into parliamentary'debate'and 1 business, because members {must 1 look forward" to re-election ; and they unsettle business and introduce social discord among the constituencies. i'By so much, as shorj Parliaments do i.one .or'- all of these,-. icings,' are theyto.be reprobated' as -lowering- the tone of , public. Jife and ( debauching, the pdpular taste. I daresay your i short-term - Barliamentarians ,'witT characterise .this as jrank political ' heresy, biit'if they, "saw'^wfiat a biennial -'Parliament arid manhood suffrage result in they would change their mind without delay 1.1(1 .1( ' '_ 1( ' >> t i i->

Latest news from South America is satisfactory. Bolivia has ceded its coast province to Chile and made peace ; Peru must follow her example or be absorbed. It is in a ooiiplete state of anarchy, and a prey, to adventurers of every stripe. ■ " j Abnormal crimes are reported almost; daily in the United States Press, yet the churches and schools are at work steadily, and - professional revivalists perambulate the land, and, make bets nightly (publicly) as to, how many souls they will run, in during the week. > It is a great country, and "the elect" have the inside track all the time.

We have had quite a harvest of official delinquents since I last wrote ; but time heals all things, and it will reconcile the public to their

Railroad extension southward is progressing steadily. The "Gringos" having invaded Mexico, the Mexicans are looking to Central America as a land where they may escap6 from railroads and cash payments.! They are, to be commiserated ; but Barrios bars the way at G-uatemala, and we are likely to have .lively times there soon. The mongrel races of America must be Anglo-Saxonised before they are worth their salt.

Jacob Terry.

According to an American paper Mr Brad-* laugh has in New Zealand a brother who is a mission preacher, and who, not long ago, pub licly prayed for the future welfare of his athe« istio relative, '"'<.< ' •