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XI. — THE SECOND QUERY.

We may dismiss the first part of this query with a brief notice, for the essence of the whole difficulty is that the present bonds are not tight enough, serving merely to join the parties, without compelling each to afford the other adequate support. The whole discussion arose from the colonies complaining that the alliance does not compel England to afford them proper military assistance; and although this point has just now become merged in the mere pressing consideration of whether England la puissant enough to defend us, it is a very essential one, and must not be overlooked. England, on the other hand, avers that the colonies are not made to bear a proportionate share of the military defence of the whole Empire ; and that they possess exceptional privileges for whioh they make no return. Obviously further relaxation means entire separation. We must oonsider the question of separation both in connection with its probable effects upon England and upon the colonies.

First, as to England. If her colonies were oonverfced into independent States, would her position in the world be lowered 1 because, so far as lam aware, the moßt zealous advocates for separation have never yet based their plea upon the ground that it is better for a nation to hold a second rate but secure position in the world, than a first rate position, with its accompanying dangers. They all argue that England's position would be fortified and her power augmented by insulation. Now, national influeace depends mainly upon international opinion. In what light, then, do other civilised countries regard the possession of colonies 1 Evidently as an increase of power. France has, during the last few years, spent millions of money in endeavouring to build up a colonial dominion, and even the United gfotaf , with far vast «reg| of nucwypied

land, is consumed with a desire for more territory. Let us take a test case. Supposing the colonists were agreeable to the transfer, would France, Russia, Germany, or the United States, refuse to accept of Australia or Canada because the possession of either country would disperse the military strength, and might involve the metropolitan State in quarrels with other nations ? The answer cannot be doubted ; nor is it less certain that either State would consider the acquisition of an important English oolony an increase to its owa influence, and a diminution of the strength of England. Take another example,: Spain now ranks as a second-rate Power.; add the whole of England's colonies to her possessions, and she would at once obtain the status of a first-rate Power. Obviously England must lobo influence in losing her colonies.

But, by casting off her colonies, England would not only diminish her influence among the nations, but would also increase the number of her rivals. It may safely be laid down as a political axiom, that if two countries are not ruled by one head they are rivals. Common origin is no guarantee of mutual forbearance, and I need but refer to the case of Great Britain and the United States ai a most appropriate illustration. True, it is proposed the separation should be a friendly one, bat the colonies would never | believe that England had not meanly oast them off because they were not worth the trouble of keeping ; and slighted love, we all know, rankles more deeply than far more grievous wrongs. There would be no lack o£ agitatore to rake np imaginary grievances against England for the pur* pose of embittering her former citizens against her—nay, at this moment a daily paper in Melbourne, widely circulated, findr palatable food for some of its readers in accusations of all kinds against the mother country. And who can read many of the journals published in Lower Canada without perceiving what materials exist ready for designing men as soon as separation is accomplished. The tie once broken, the colonies would be free to form what alliances they pleased, hostile or not, to the interests of England. During the last twenty years the policy of England has been to contract heF territory as much as possible } the policy of the United States has, on the other hand, been to expand her borders. What hindrance would stand in the way of the absorption of the dominion of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, into one groat Republic with the United States ? In this event, what position would England occupy ? She must necessarily rank second to such a corporation, of whioh, but for her own folly, she might have been the chief member. This may seem a dream, but would, I fear, have a speedy realisation. All statesmen agree that Canada, if dissevered from England, must gravitate towards the United States, and the project of an Australian Republic has already been mooted. If such a Republic were formed, its natural ally would be another Republic, and dose alliance between Republics means speedy confederation. The desire for universal dominion is a passion with the Americans, although not much dwelt upon by writers. It permeates all classes of sooiety, and deserves careful attention in considering a subject like that before us. England would also lose a potent means of putting into action those principles of liberty and justice which it has always been her pride to uphold, and which she can enforce in her colonies by retaining a veto upon the statutes passed by the local legislatures. She would, however, gain something in concentration. In time of war she would not be compelled to weaken her forces by scattering them all over the globe ; nor to disturb great enterprises by sending relief to a distant oolony. She might reduce her military and naval establishments in time of peace ; the latter not much, but the former greatly, since she could mainly depend on the militia for home defence, and need not retain a considerable body of troops en pay lest their services should be suddenly needed in a dependency. She could frame her foreign policy without fear of dragging dependent communities into a costly war. But when we have said this, we have said about all.

The New Zealand Gazette of the 7th last, contains the following notifications :—Hundreds are proclaimed in the Crookston and Wftiruna districts, the former consisting of 20,000 aores f being parts of Bans Nog. 212 and 163, and the Utter aUo of 20,000 acres, being parts of Bans Nob. 31 and 78. His Excellency the Governor haa accepted the resignation of the Commission of Ensign W. R. M'Qregor, No. 2 Co. O.K. V. His Bxoel. lency hu also accepted the services of the Dnnedin Volunteer Fire Brigade, the date of acceptance being the 17th January last. The uune issue of the Gazette also contains lists of the polling place* and Returning Osoer« fw tht Qtogo Provincial Council

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/OW18710225.2.52.6

Bibliographic details

Otago Witness, Volume 25, Issue 1004, 25 February 1871, Page 18

Word Count
1,140

XI.—THE SECOND QUERY. Otago Witness, Volume 25, Issue 1004, 25 February 1871, Page 18

XI.—THE SECOND QUERY. Otago Witness, Volume 25, Issue 1004, 25 February 1871, Page 18