ENGLAND AND HER COLONIES.

Otago Witness, Issue 1003, 18 February 1871, Page 17

ENGLAND AND HER COLONIES.

II. — THE DOMINION ofr CANADA, CONTINUED.' In immediate proximity to Canada lies a great Republio, full of intense energy in, the pursuit of material wealth, and of unbounded zeal in the propagation of ita political ideas. Every citizen of the United States appears to regard himself as an apostle of republicanism, while a license Beems, by general consent, ac--corded to Americans which is conceded to •no other people, viz., to advocate princi- 1 jples ia foreign countries which, if put into -practice, must , subvert the established Government. Perchance, the offence is overlooked, somewhat" in the same way as ■we overlook a breach of good manners by A man unaccustomed to polite society. It would be impossible fr>r Canada to -escape the influence of such a nation on her borders, and we accordingly find in the frontier towns of both countries a •similarity of manners and thought, di--miniahiog as we progress towards the interior. The " almighty dollar " is asarly as potent in Montreal and Toronto «s it ia in towns further south. There is 'the same eagerness in business and the same affectation of equality ; a similar -style of architecture and mode of living. 1 speak, of conrse, in general terms. Americans swarm in the southern parts of Canada, and diffuse the notion of a mighty Republic stretching from the Arctic Circle to Vera Cruz as one which -time is sure to realise. Every petty squabble with the mother country is seized upon as a reason for claiming independence, and the most tempting rewards are offered for secession. Hitherto •these efforts have met with little success, and the Canadians, so far from demanding independence, have refused to accept Tery plain hints from the mother country that it was to be had for the asking. XFpper Canada was originally settled by loyalists who emigrated thither from the United States at the period of the revolution, and the inflaence of their hatred to the Republic is felt even now. Pride, too, may possibly have aided in keeping alive loyalty to the British Crown. The Americans have a weakness for proclaiming their own superiority over the rest of mankind, and the belief that the United States can " whip all the world" is not confined to New York journalists. Now, one may reasonably imagine that a highspirited people like the Canadians, who feive on more than one occasion defeated • the United States forces in open battle, should feel hurt at such an assumption of superiority, and a dislike to political -union with the people making it. Furthermore, large British garrisonß have, at "various periods, been stationed in the country, and their presence must have ' served to encourage loyalty. The major portion of the troops have, it is true, been postedin Lower Canada, buttheirinfluence would be felt throughout the provinces. Whatever theorists may asaert, loyalty, likd all other passions, will diminish in intensity unless there be symbols of ' authority to cherish it ; and there can be ■no more conspicuous symbol than a body of men sworn to uphold the rights of the Crown at the hazard of their lives. Lastly, the c >nstant and rapid communication with England must have helped to maintain in the hearts of the colonists •a feeling of communion with the old ' country, and an indisposition to separa'e from it. A visit to England involves comparatively so little trouble and expenae, that the poorest colonist may ex- • pect to see the short- s of his native land " once more ; and if he be in anything like prosperous circumstances, frequent trips tome may be made.

Nevertheless,

the influence of the

United States ia beginning to be distinctly felt, "arid a "strong party exists *which would be quite prepared to disjoin irom England, although, they we divided ■in opinion as to the proper time for separation, the - more farsigh'ted being -desirous- of waiting until the 1 conflicting interests of the various parts of the Dominion have become somewhat iarmoniaed, anl society more conaolijdated. Such a party must necessarily support among the French Cana'^dians, whose. loyalty, as I have shown, is -of a .passive rather than c*f an active .nature, and, among that Very large Irish ■ community which forms part of the in habitants of the Dominion. True, the Irish settlers in Canada are not animated •with the same' sentiments of hatred to- ' wards England as • those which produce *uch displays among the Irish population .of the United States ; but no one who is .practically acquainted with the Irish settlers, through all parts of Norh . America can fail to be aware that English c jrule ia distasteful to them. Ido not for . one moment allege that either the Irish or French settlers in Canada would endeavour to subvert the Qneen's authority , have given ample proofs to the • iooatrary; wha* II 11I 1 assert is, that they tronld not look upon a friendly separation

from England with disfavour ; and it would be ridiculous in an enquiry like this to pass over the very causes of which we are in search. It does not, however, follow that separation from England necessarily means annexation to the United States, although Republicans may strive to make it appear so. At the same time it is highly probable that independence would result in annexation. When I come to treat of Australia and New Zealand, I shall point out that one of the leading causes of disaffection there is the want of worthy objects of ambition for men of cvltivated and powerful in'ellect, and the same remarks will apply to Canada. It was one of the causes, although not the principal one, which gave rise to the wish for a consolidation of the British North American Provinces — a project which is essentially the scheme of local statesmen. The welding together of several countries having varied interests into a mighty State, and the subsequent development of its vast resources in such a manner as to make the Dominion a compeer of the United States, will furnish ground for real fame, and the politician of original genius will no longer have to endure the chagrin of seeing his powers rust away for want of a field to exercise them in. Nothing, indeed, could be better adapted to contrast the effects of Republican doctrines than the consolidation of a number of provinces into one great Dominion, capable of evoking national life, and giving its inhabitants a place in the world. Started on iuS career under the happiest auspices, it will be England's oarn fault if she allows this magnificent possession to leave her train. ni. — AUSTRALIA. The first attempt made by England to form a settlement in Australia was in 1787, when a party of some 750 convicts, ' accompanied by 200 soldiers, was dea- \ patched from Portsmouth for the purpose. It does not appear that the Imperial Government contemplated anything further than the formation of a settlement which should furnish a convenient means of freeing England from the presence of a large number of hardened criminals. At any rate, if a grander object was in view, singularly ill-chosen meaus were adopted for i's attainment. It could not fairly be expected that men who had devo ed their lives to crime would retain a lively patriotism, or prosecute the settlement of the country to which they had been deported with lofty aims. Yet, strange to say, cases are on record in which these convicts were so tortured with the desire of again seeing their fatherland that they encountered every risk for the sake of gratifying their passion. Practically, however, the convicts made little progress in the c iloniaation of Australia. In course of time a free community grew up. These people were scattered over a wide space of country, and were chiefly engaged in agriculture, and the rearing of sheep and cattle. They were, in reality, isolated from the rest of the world. The nea r est land was inhabited by savages, ignorant of commerce and the refinements of modern life. Before an answer could be received to a letter despatched to England eight or nine months at least urns'- elapse. Seated at the door of his cottage, with the dark eucalyptus drooping its melancholy leaves over his head, and the hot plain sTetching monotonously before him, the settler's thoughts naturally reverted to the green; fields of his native land, and the tender pleasures of early days. The soft light of memory rested on the beauties of old England, and her manifold faults were forgotten. Thus, at this period, the Australian colonists were thoroughly loyal to the home country, and the ultimate aspiration of each was to return to her shores. True, many abuses had crept into the administration of affairs, in corisequence of the Imperial Government exercising its large patronage ; but concessions were being graduallr made, and the colonists hoped tint ultimately • these evils would be righted. Moreover, they made a marked distinction between England and " Downing atreet," and whije they freely exercised their national privilege of grumbling at the "powers that he," they heartily be-li-ved in the sympathy of their fellowcountrymen

, But, a circumstance occurred which created a revolution in this state of feeling. Native gold was discovered to exist in Victoria in, larger quantities than it had ever before been found in any country. Adventurers from all parts of the world; flacked to the land whose surface seemed to have been washed by a vast ; Pactolus. There was the Oxford graduate, the German Jew, the acute Tankee, French, Dutch, Germans, Swedes, Spaniards, Portuguese, Indians, Chinese, Negroes, and South Sea Islanders. Never was a society formed of such discordant elements. An immense amount of intelligence was brought together ; every port of political creed ; the whole being concentred in one common aim—the aeqtiisi-

tion of wealth. This heterogeneous mass was suddenly thrown into the midst .of the loyal community which L h&ve already described. The latter yielded to the weight for a moment, but only for. a moment. When we reflect upon the number of lawless spirits that entered Victoria during the years 1851 2, we cannot but feel astonished at the order maintained. Frequent excesses were, it is true, committed, but they were the acts of individuals, and not of the public. But, although law was preserved, there sprang up rapidly a condition of society quite different to that which formerly prevailed, and this nut only in Victoria, but ala >in the adjoining colonies. Had I apace to do so, it would be easy to show tha 1 : Victoria, both in political and social life, sets the pattern for the other Australian colonies to imitate. Even New Zealand, which is separated by over 1000 miles of sea, and waß settled by a highly conservative cla°s of people, follows in the wake of Victoria. | in place of a community devoted to agri- | culturaiand pastoral pursuits, we now find ! one mainly relying upon gold mining and commerce for its prosperity la this new | condition of society, which wa3 neceei sarily of a democratic character, the new arrivals took the lead. They were men of quick intellect, fresh from the centres of the old world, and full of energy in de- | veloping the natural resources of the country. Many of them were foreigners, and if orderly citizens, felt no attachment to England. Perhaps the majority of the aliens were Americans, which people, I have before remarked, is exceedingly active in propa^aing its political ideas. The large German popujlation of South Australia (30,000 or i 40,000 in number if I mistake nr>t) has never exerted any appreciable influence on the tone of political thought in Aus tralia. Besides the American, other foreign democrats have assisted to dis seminate republican notions, and as most of them reside in tho commercial centres, they have exercised far greater influence than their numbers warrant. For many years past these men have assiduously pointed out that England realises immense profits by her trade with the colonies ; while, on the other hand, the latter are liable at any moment to be plunged into a war with some great Power without their consent, and in which England would bo unable to protect them. The republicans argue that if the colonies were independent they would be exempt from this danger, as their harmlessneas would preserve them from attack by any European or American power ; studiously ignoring, not only recent events in Europe, but also the humiliation which it must necessarily be to a p-oud people to live on the suffdrance of its neigh>ours. Until very lately, an additional motive for seeking independence was found in the fact that if the colonies stood alone, they would possess the power of making commercial treaties with foreign States j but it now appears that the connection with England does not bind the colonies in this respect so much as was imagined, while the Imperial Government, whether from good or evil policy, betrays such anxiety to give the colonies the utmost liberty of acion, that this argument has been pretty well taken out of the mouth of independence mongers. The liability to be dragged into war is now their chief plea, which can be tne more appropriately urged owing to the Franco-German war, and the a titude taken up by Russia. We are also, by way of rhetorical flourish, fa oured with vague prophecies o! future greatness. Another class of men aid the American and Continental Republic ins in their eff >rta to wrest \ustralia and New Zealand from the possession of England. I have already remarked that these colonies are essentially democratic, and it is further to be observed that they did not become so in consequence of a philosophical conviction that a democratic society is the best aid to the full dsvelopmant of man's faculties, aod the accomplishment of great national aims ; but because fehey wore populated by a number of men of all nations and political creeds, and animated by the purpose of realising wealth. I am aware that South Australia and New Zealand were founded with the view of carrying out great principles, but those colonies have fallen fr >m their first esta'e, and been dragged into the whirlpool of which Victoria is the centre. These remarks are severe, and, their cor reotneas may be disputed, but I make them after several years' consideration of the subject, and with a full belief in their truth. Happily, there are indications of a nobler future. The Australian democracy is essentially a trading democracy. Wea'th receives the highest honours'; and practically riches are the only road to distinction. One consequence of this is that much of the trading carried on is conducted in the most reckless manner, and with an utter absence of high principle. It is alleged that the standard of commercial morality in England has lowered considerably of late yean, and this may bo

the case ; but certainly public opinion at honw has not yet sunk so deeply as to tolerate such profligate trading as we find in fhe colonies. Those of my readers who have resided for any length of time in Australia nnd New Zealand will know that in bo h those countries there are towns in which the uih jority of the storekeepers and merchants live, as it were, from hand to mou h, and only keep themselves afloat by means of petty trickery, just beyond the reach of the law, but deadening to the moral sense of those who practise it. Bankruptcy is thought no disgrace, and macy a, man goes through the Insolvency Oourc two or three times, without being either degraded in the eyes of his fellow-ciiizens, or prohibited from entering ou a fresh career of fraud. But what, it may be asked, has this to do with the matter in hand ? 1 will proceed to show. These unprincipled traders lower the standard of public morality, and corrupt, more or less, the whole community. From amidst their order springs a class of men who make politics a means of livelihood. These adventurers possess uo private fortune ; they are too indolent to work ; they are not well educated, and are destitute of those sentiments with which every leader of mankind should be imbued ; but they are gifted with shrewdness enough to apprehend what will catch the ears of the miners and farmers, and use this knowledge so far successfully as to get returned to the Legislature as members for such constituencies. Once in the Legislature the path is easy. The members are paid for their attendance during the session ; and a little arrangement with the Ministry will enable a decent income for the whole year to be made up. Men like these know nothing of patriotism, and a Republic offers prospect cf increased plunder and advancement.

There is, however, a third class of advocates for iudependence whose motives are of a much higher character, and deserve our sincerest respect, even if we uelieve them misdirected. These are men of cultivated mind, eager for the accomplishment of great purposes, and often animated by a warm desire for personal distinction. Unfortunately, the colonies, in their present state, offdr little to satisfy such aspirations. The mass of settlers, busily engaged in the pursuit of wealth, cure nothing about national aims, and despise those who advocate them as visionary dreamers ; while the aids to philosophy which an old country aifords do not exist to support those with broader views than their fellow-settlers. We may perceive how U tie colonial society favours mental- cultivation by reflecting that, although the colonies present entirely new fields of physical research, most of the important scientific investigations made withiu their borders have been the work of men who had acquired a reputation in Europe before taking up their residence in the colonies. Equally improbable is it that the ambitious politician will acquire renown if he reside in a colony. A. geiiuine colonist, without family influence in England, has hitherto been unable to look for anything beyond the premiership of his colony ; and, having attained to that eminence, he has probably found the miserable petty jealousies which usually subsbt between the representatives from the various districts of a colony, sufficiently powerful to check any great schemes he may have conceived. Bu even were he able to carry out such projects, he must still feel that he is performing an ungrateful task. However wisely he may administer public affairs, the director of a few hundred thousands of people in the rude work of foundi ,g a colony can entertain little hope of lasting fame. His work may be of the highest value, but it is not surrounded with the lustre which, encompasses the achievements of the rulers of great states, and does not obtain the grateful acknowledgments of mankind. His chagrin is iuten sifted by the knowledge that, did he labour in another part of the empire of which he is a citizen, his work would receive a due reward. Men like these are numerous enough in the colonies. The home reader must not form a judgment on this point from the character of colonial legislators. With & few distinguished exceptions, the best men in the colonies do not take an active parr in public affairs, and those common-looking faces, unillumined by one spark of the divine fire, are not an index of the intelligence of the community. Highly-educated men, admirably fitted to conduct public affairs, live in retirement, disgusted at the class of persons to whom the business of the country is entrusted, and hoping for better days. .

Surfi men look to independence as a means of awakening national life, and liberating the community from its devotion to material pursuirs. They contend that so long as a country remains a dependency of another, it must be like a child in a state of tutelage, unconscious and incapable of exercising the powers of manhood. Perchanoe, too, in some in•tanoes, disappointed ambition may ten*

derthe argument more cogent. Nevertheless, vre are bound to give much weight to such advocacy. Behind these active classes there lies another, whose voice is seldom heard on the subject, but would be loud enough were any forcible separation fr,qin ,' England attempted. T?his is the farimng popuhv tion, with a large propbrtiqn of the mechanics and "labourers, ""resident in towns. They have brought with them from England that profound but undemonstrative pride in their country's greatness which most Englishmen feel. It is a pure and noble sentiment, which has grown up with them from childhood, and they never think of o^ueßti.oning its justice. The fire burns lqw and, is rarely seen, but a breath would* fan it into a fierce flame. Now, the of separation have adopted, an "exceedingly wise course to meet the difficulty which this latent patriotism offers to the accomplishment of their design. They insidiously strive to make separation from England, sooner or later, appear an inevitable fact, not to be averted by the ablest statesmanship. Men "who earn their livelihood by manual labour are, as I a rule, easily induced to accept generali- 1 ties for gospel, especially when uttered by their political leaders ; and lience it has happened that what I may ' call the "accepted fact" doctrine has obtained wide credence among persons who anticipate disunion with sorrow, and would be willing to make sacrifices in order to preserve a connection between the colonies and the mother country.

Such are the chief elements at work in Australia and New Zealand calculated to effect a disruption of the Empire. IV.— THE EFFECTS OF RESPONSIBLE [GOVEKNMENT ON PUBLIC OPINION IN THE

COLONIES.

A full consideration of the circumstances will show that the conduct of England towards her colonies prior to her bestowing upon them Responsible Government did not materially aid in bringing about the difficulties which now exist. When she first became a colonising nation, England imposed upon her colonies the duty of providing for their own defence ; but, alarmed by the revolt of the United States, she adopted an entirely different policy, and from the period of the American Revolution up to the time of the initiation of responsible self-government, the position of affairs, broadly stated, was this : England undertook to defend her colonies against all enemies, internal and external, with a tacit assumption that if they could not raise sufficient revenue to carry on the ordinary business of Government, she was to supply the deficiency. In return, she exercised a large amount of patronage within their borders ; au indirect control over their revenues ; and dictated their general policy. More particularly she endeavoured, and with perfect success, to direct their trade into her own warehouses. Her policy, if selfish in many respects, was far more liberal than the treatment which the colonies of any other European country had experienced at the hands of the parent State; and were it not for the abuses which crept into the distribution of offices, the colonists might be considered to have received an ample equivalent for the privileges which they surrendered. The great fault of English statesmen at this period appears to have been that they did not foresee the rapid development of the colonies. Various causes, which I shall allude to more particularly hereafter, led the Imperial Government to confer upon the more advanced colonies the rights and privileges of government by an Executive responsible to the elected representatives of the pepple. The gift was a noble one, and nobly made. England still undertook to defend these young communities, just bursting into life, against the world. She asked for no contribution towards the maintenance of an army and navy for the protection of the Empire. She did not impose upon those citizens who had left her shores any share of the debt which the nation has inherited, although she might justly have done so. But this was not aIL In the colonies there were lying waste tens of millions of acres of habitable land, which England had preserved by her own prestige, and which could have supported in comfort her whole surplus population. These she handed over, as a free gift, to the newlyconstituted communities, without a single reservation as to their disposal. In return for all these favours, she reserved to herself the right of making treaties with foreign States —of partitioning colonial territory for convenience of government —of appointing the colonial governors, and a veto on all acts passed by the local legislatures ; while she pro-" habited the colonies from imposing differential customs duties. By this means the colonies were incapacitated from] plunging the whole nation into war .with- j out the consent of, jnother country, and home merchants were placed on an equal

footing with foreigners in the colonial markets. Such were the general relations established t-etween England and her principal colonies when responsible selfgovernment was bestowed upon the latter by Lord John Russell's administration. The success of this system of government in promoting the material prosperity of j the colonies is indisputable. The settlers,' with a virgin Boil and a virgin f conßtituj tion at command, addressed themselves to their work with the enthusiasm which such novel circumstances must infallibly arouse in a highly-intellec ual people. Almost every political theory invented in modern times that could be tried within the limits of this constitution will be found to have been experimented upon in some colony or another. The settlers were equally alert in making use of their opportunities for borroriug lar^e sums of money, by which important public works could be executed and the resources of the country developed. At the end of twenty years we find several communities, not powerful' in numbers, but full of the elements of | national strength, possessing all the comforts of civilisation and an energy of will that is a sure har anger of future greatness in some reßpect.

It might naturally be supposed that so happy a result of the experiment made by England would have tended to cement the union between herself and her offshoots. The fact, however, is quite otherwise. The statesmen who initiated responsible government appear to have assumed, as a matter of course, that when the colonists accepted the privilege of governing themselves they likewise undertook the duty of self-defence against internal enemies. They were right in so doing ; since it is obvious that if a people be allowed the entire control of the taxes which it raises, no one else can justly be asked to protect them against domestic rebels. Unfortunately, the principle was not clearly enunciated. Little attention was paid in England to colonial politics at that period, or perchance a clearer definition of the new rela+ioi.s might have been laid do An. The records of the time show that men of all shades of opinion who then took an interest in colonial questions were of one miud as to the justice and propriety of the colonies undertaking the duty of providing for at least their own internal defence ; and that such was the opinion held by Lord John Russell's Cabinet is clearly exposed in Lord Grey's book on the colonial policy of that administration. The noble author says : — "The importance of returning to a sounder system was not, however, lost sight of, and we endeavoured to establish one object by degrees to act upon — the principle that the colonies can only look to the mother country for military support in any dangers to which they may be exposed from a powerful foreign enemy ; that Her Majesty's troops are not to be expected to undertake the dutieß of police, and of maintaining the internal tranquility of the colonies ; and that the colonies ought to undertake to provide for the expense of barracks for such of Her Majesty's iroops as may be stationed in them for their protection." i Sir William Molesworth and others were disposed to carry these views to their utmost extent ; and generally, the supporters of responsible government for the colonies argued that representative ins itutions would awaken in the colonists a sense of personal respect, and cause them to assume the onus of self- protection, save in case of an Imperial war. The latter, how* ever, scarcely recognised the] duty which they had undertaken. There was little need, in Australia especially, to make immediate provision for resisting armed attack. The re . enue was small, and every penny being needed for opening up the country, all expenditure not absolutely essential, was avoided. Troops, wearing the Imperial uniform, still garrisoned the towns, and albeit a small charge' was made for their maintenance, it was scarcely noticed on the estima'ea. In Canada and elsewhere, Lord Grey explains, it would have been highly impolitic to remove troops suddenly ; and, altogether, there was little outward alteration from the former state of things. As year after year slipped, by, the magnitude of the change from the old to the new system was forgotten, and if those versed in political affiurs were better informed, the mass of the people came to regard it as England's boundeh duty to protect them against every foe. They were confirmed in this error by the newapaper press. In a colony newspapers exercise perhaps more influence than they do in England, but unfortunately, are too often conducted by wholly incompetent) men, whoso writings merely serve to mis-, lead those whom they profess to guide. And, in considering the causes which produced the late discussion about the re-! spective duties of, England and her colo-i nies with regard to the defence of the latter, we must not forget that public opinion in the colonies ' presses ' more quickly on, the springs of Government than < 'it' doeg at home: ' '" -"-•'■* ' x/> * "* * 1

The foregoing remarks, however, require some qualification so f ar aa Canada is concerned, as she has always exhibited a willingness to make liberal provision for the defence of her territory. So far back aa 1862, &he possessed an enrolled militia of 200,000 men, and a volunteer force, in which all branches Gf service were represented, of 14,000 men, while further additions to ite number, were proposed. The new Dominion iB equally alive to its duties in this respect. Ou the 31st December, 1869, her muster' rolls showed a force of active militia of 43,541 man, with a reserve of 612,476 ; while military training schools were in existence at Quebec, Montreal, and Toronto. Deprived of Imperial troops, and threatened with sudden participation in ,a great war, Victoria and New^ South Wales have also recently made vigorous efforts _ towards providing themselvea with efficient means of defence ; but this does not affect my argument, which merely relates to the attitude taken up by the colonies before the Home Government insisted upon recalling the troops. It will be remembered what ire this determination arouaed in both Australia and New , Zealand. V. — THE VIEWS OF ENGLISH POLITICIANS. While this error was , imperceptibly enveloping the colonial mind, the views of English, politicians (or rather that small section of them which condescended to notice colonial affairs) on the subject of colonial defence acquired more consistency. The duty of self-protection was inculcated by two classes of reformers — those who desired to see the colonies placed in a position favourable to the highest development ; and those who looked upon the matter as it affected the military power and expenditure of England. The colonial party in Parliament urged that the smallnesa of the contribution paid by the colonies towards their own protection was enfeebling their manhood ; while it necessitated the expenditure by England of large sums which she was ill able to afford, and which, moreover, it was unjust that she should be called upon +o pay, seeing that she no longer exercised any control over the internal affairs of the colonies. The first of these ideas was clearly enunciated by Mr Gladstone in his evidence before the committee appointed by the House of Commons in 1861 to consider the colonial military expenditure. He said, "I should like to see the state of feeling restored to the colonies which induced the first American colonists, when they revolted, to make it one of their grievances that British troops were kept in their borders without their consent. I do not speak of the argument itself, but of the feeling which dictated it." This is a statesmanlike view, and contrasts strongly with the narrow doctrines of the Manchester party now associated with Mr Gladstone. But the diverse requirements of the colonies rendered it very difficult to lay down a general rule on the subject of military contribution. It was all very well to say that the Cape or New Zealand ought to pay for its own defence ; but national honour forbade the abandonment of the settlers to the mercy of savages. True, profit and loss accounts occasionally emanated from Manchester or Birmingham, showing that it would be much cheaper to abandon the Cape or New Zealand altogether than to spend millions on its defence ; but somehow a remembrance of past glories and a fear lest England should be degraded in the eyes of the civilised world, prevented the public from acting on such calculations. Inconsequence, the Home Government contented itself with uttering a few general principles, and the imposition, here and there, of an. extra charge for troops, leaving the main question to be settled as time might dictate. The War Department urged a revision of the existing system on different grounds. Immense changes had been made in the mode of conducting warfare, by .which concentration of force became absolutely necessary. Under the new system, the heart, and not the limbs of a State, was the point of attack. Even under the old method, it waa shown that our forces could gobble up garrisons posted in distant colonies ; and military authorities being sceptical as to the truth of the maxim that "one Englishman is equal to three Frenchmen," argued that, in the event of a great war, our own garrisons at the .Cape and' elsewhere might fare no better .than, the, Dutch, French, and Spanish detachmentsj had done. The War Department,' rightlyj alleged that the successful result' of a war 1 must depend upon our naval supremacy,;! and to station detachments of trpops ih' remote parts of the Empire, while - mate- 1 rially weakening the small army .of' England, would render 'no aid to the colonists, who must, in .any: case, rely mainly upon" themselves in) the event, of an attack". 'These was; another incentive to 'movement, on , the besides differing in principle, was also

discovered to bb far more expensive th» the old system. Even in peace time, Hb»most costly establishments had to be kept up ; and the Army ana Navy Estimates assumed an enormous magnitude. Could the colonial establishments be out off or revised, a great saving .would be xaade^ and the House of Commons propitiated. It was these causes which led to the appointment of a Departmental Commisnos^ on the Military Defences of Colonies, in 1859 ; and I shall quote from their report in order to show the actual state of matters at the time : — " Wet subjoin areturn,of the military force, and the expenditure for military purposes, in ovar colonies, for 1857-58, the last year lor which we have complete accounta 3fc will be seen that, including the cost of $h& German Legion, the military expenditure amounted to L 3,968,599. Of this, onljr L 378,253 was contributed by the colonies, being less than one-tenth partof the whole ; and of that contribption about two- thirds, was; .pasfiby three colonies, New South Wales, Victoria, and Ceylon. It is remarkable that no colony except Canada, and, to a. very small extent, Victoria, the Capey. and one or two of the West Indwp» colonies, had organised a militia or ot&ejr

quacy of the contributions of our coloaisf^ towards their defences, the most conspicuous defect in the present system » it& inequality as among the colonies themselves. For example, the colony of yie» toria paid in 1857-58 about two- thirds of its ordinary military expenditure, and has. this year, in addition, voted large annusfor fortifications. In the same year, Coy— ion paid about two- fifths, and Canada, onefifth part respectively of their whole military expenditure; while Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Tasmania, New Zealand, and many other colonies paid nothing at aIL Above all, there is the gigantic anomaly of the expenditure ■on the - Cape, 77 " In a foot-note the writers add, "' lt i» worth while to note, as shewing by contrast the liberality with which Esglsm£ treats her colonies, the financial relations between those of the only two European, nations besides ourselves which possesscolonies of any importance, and the mother country. In 1857, the last year for whiskwe have been able to obtain a financial: statement, the surplus revenue paid by the Dutch colonies into the.metropolitanexchequer, after defraying all their mijitary and naval expenses, was 31,858,421florins (about L 2,600,000). The estimated, surplus from the Spanish colonies for the. past year was 115,000,000 reals (about LI, 150, 000). See Ministerial Statement in the Dutch Chambers (Journal of tbe Hague, November 9th, 1859); Annnasio Economico-Estradistico de Espana for "Q " T C ' f her-

18o*,, he ommissionera >urti> pointed out that the inequality in the manner in which the Home Government treated tne different colonieswas not leaa marked than the dissimilarity in the colonial contributions^ But while they all agreed in acknowledging the existence of certain eviJ&p the Commissioners differed in their remedies, Messrs Hamilton and Godley advocating a plan under which each coloiy would decide upon the nature of its owjsj defences and the number of its garrison^, while the coat of buck garrison would be defrayed by a joint contribution from* tie Home and Colonial Governments, at & uniform rate. Mr Elliott, however, wasof opinion that the diversity of,.circumstances among the colonies rendered sack an arrangement impossible, and his suggestions were, in effect, to leave tbinga asthey stood. I must ask the reader toobserve that all the Commissioners oopcurred in thinking it wo aid be impolitkr to withdraw, in ordinary times, the whole of the troops from the colonies, i| the? latter desired their retention.

Some time ago we noticed the discQvssy •£ a reef containing a quantity of antimony && Wiipori. We now learn that a reel, believed to be much richer in this pee, ha»be*at discovered on the Messrs Boyds,' ran, , in tb& Hindoo, district, by Messrs Over and Dare,The epot where the reef has been dioeoTerwL is opposite the ferry on the' TajerT River, about two miles from the township of Bra- ' don. The rfeef is about eight feet thick, 'aa& crops out at intervals for about a mile- l Tfl* or© has been taken out of it in bloekV'VMjring from * few pounds to five or Mix. hundredweight. It is, judging . from * sample we have received! -renwkaMy pure. A samp'e of it was sent to JDr Hector for analysis, *ud another to $irNewry, the analyst of the, Viotoria»>Government, and their reportsst»tetbAti|b.a«» tains about 60. per cent, of . metal. „«bf> ffl* has to be packed for about a mile^MfA'.3» then conveyed to town in drays!' Jfcher'ewtfef oarrjage to Dunedin being at present \A per tony though it la expected' 'that' i6 'wiUfce j lower when the wool season 5 is over. -'!!»*> I freight to England isbnly 20a per ton, and a» the price there is about L3O" per too, a» ampie.margin is left for working and 'irtiher expenses. t \The r reef is to be worked- by..* I company of eight persons, who nwpose^oisg into the matter, ,wi|hj spjnV ; WsttM^ I r the«f 6i;"e f to gee.jantimony, figW^&gfPj, Wjfc in the Eat of exports from this Province*