THREE MAJOR POINTS

Otago Daily Times, Issue 27276, 30 December 1949, Page 4

THREE MAJOR POINTS

NEW ZEALAND’S INTEREST IN . COLOMBO CONFERENCE SURVEY BY MR DOIDGE PA WELLINGTON, Dec. 29. Recognition of Communist China, the Japanese Peace Settlement and the Pacific Pact are the three major ques-' tions of particular interest to New Zealand which are likely to be discussed at next month’s conference in Ceylon of Commonwealth Foreign Ministers. This was indicated by the Minister of External Affairs, Mr Doidge, in a statement issued tonight.

Arguments both for and against the recognition of Communist China were discussed by Mr Doidge, who said it might be that New Zealand’s .attitude, both al to recognition and the timing of recognition, would differ from that of some of the other nations of the British Commonwealth. It was possible to make a case almost equally strong either for or against recognition. He added that at the conference there would be a full and free exchange of views on international questions, but interest would mainly centre on the subjects of major importance to the countries in Pacific and Asiatic areas.

The Japanese peace settlement, for instance, had become a matter of urgency two years ago. This problem had been discussed at a Canberra conference, when it had been hoped that a peace treaty with Japan could be agreed to by all the Allies, inclufTing Soviet Russia, but since 1947 the whole pattern in the Far East had altered. India, Pakistan and Ceylon had entered the sphere as sovereign States and China had passed under Communist control. Moreover, the Canberra conference had claimed that the drafting of the treaty should be the work of all the major belligerents, but Soviet Russia had always insisted that it was the sole concern 6f the four Big Powers —the United States, Britain, Russia, and China. General MacArthur, as Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers, had had virtual control in Japan since the war, ended, Mr Doidge said, but the present position could not continue much longer and in practice more and more power and discretion was being allowed the Japanese Government. America and Britain both wanted a settlement, but one of the chief obstacles was Russia’s insistence based on the Yalta agreement that the treaty must be drafted by the Four Great Powers and that, of course, involvedr the veto. In these circumstances, the United States, not unnaturally, seemed to incline to a peace treaty negotiated primarily by herself with the participation of as many other nations as possible.

Difficulties Increasing

“Before the war ended.” Mr Doidge said, “we were warned of the danger of hastily-devised peace treaties, but in the case of Germany and Japan the longer we wait the more difficult becomes the task. All manner of problems present themselves in the case of Japan. It is easy to make a case for the strengthening of the Japanese economy but with its goes the risk of a resurgence of Japanese militarism. Australia and New Zealand will both be interested in this phase of the discussions at Colombo.”

Recognition of Communist China was bound to be discussed, he added. In favour of recognition, it could be argued that China was in for a long period of Communist domination, that British administrators in. the East urged the earliest possible 'de jure acceptance, that British commercial interests worth at least £200,000,000 would be involved in heavy losses if deprived of diplomatic and consular protection, that if recognition were refused it would insulate China from the rest of the world and force her. into economic integration with Russia, that so far as the United Nations was concerned it would be better to concede recognition now rather than expose that body to the humiliation resulting from the alignment of members behind rival groups.

Against recognition it could be, argued that it would, break faith with the Chinese Nationalists and abandon the war-time ally, Chiang Kai-shek, that the Communists had seized power in China, 5n act the peace-loving nations could not condone, that recognition would be a gratuitous act of encouragement to the forces of disruption throughout Asia, that it could irritate and antagonise the United States and increase American determination to strengthen Japan at the expense of the security of Australia and New Zealand, and finally that recognition would mean the transfer to the Russian bloc of the seat held by China on the Security Council. Last month the question of recognition of Communist China was discussed in the House of Commons and it was clear that the British Government whs disposed to pursue an. affirmative policy, Mr Doidge said. In this course it had reluctant support of Mr Churchill. Mr Doidge said it should be noted that. Mr Churchill emphasised that no Step should be taken by Britain except in consultation with the whole of the Commonwealth and also with the United States. America’s attitude was possibly correctly summer up by the Economist when it said: “ A large section of American opinion will regard recognition as a selfish British effort to steal a march on America in Chinese favour. If later on there is a far eastern crisis and Britain. -asks for American support, there will be a strong inclination in America to say that Britain, having taken its own way, must bear any unpleasant consequences.” The Moral Course? “These are but a few reasons which may be advanced for and against recognition of Communist China, said Mr Doidge. “On the evidence, it may seem that recognition‘is practical and in the end an inescapable course, but the question still remains, is it the moral course?. Either way it may well mean the end of western influence over the Asiatic peoples. That would leave India alone to challenge China for leadership in Asia and in the light of that possibility, Pandit Nehru looms as one of the significant figures of the coming conference.” Mr Doidge said the need for a Pacific pact was another question for consideration. “The menace to peace in the west has lessened since the creation of the Atlantic Pact. We would feel safer if there were a similar system of collective security in the east. There are serious obstacles in the way of a Pacific pact, yet it must be obvious that unless the march of Communism is halted in South-East Asia, its setback in Europe will be but a temporary one. . “ The outcome of the Colombo conference, I hope, will be that we shall learn anew that not one component of the Commonwealth can be sufficient unto itself —not even the Motherland, the cradle of the British race can stand alone,” Mr Doidge concluded. “ It is our association that makes us great.” Mr Doidge, who will represent New Zealand at the conference which is to begin at Colombo on January 9, will leave Auckland by air for Ceylon on January 5. He will be accompanied by two advisers—the Secretary of External affairs, Mr A. D. Mclntosh and the Assistant Secretary to the Treasury, Mr E. L. Greensmith.