THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES SATURDAY, MAY 28, 1949. SOCIALISM'S CIVIL WAR

Otago Daily Times, Issue 27092, 28 May 1949, Page 6

THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES SATURDAY, MAY 28, 1949. SOCIALISM'S CIVIL WAR

The hope of “ the workers ” for nearly fiVe decades, their dream fulfilled for more than a decade thereafter, the New Zealand Labour Party enters upon another election in 1949 in a political atmosphere heavy with “ the workers’ ” disillusion and distrust. The leaders of Labour in the brave years of the first Socialist Government in New Zealand are old men to-day; old men fighting gamely, and with the accumulated political 'acumen of their long experience in and out of office, to preserve Socialist orthodoxy in the party. But even while they have been reshaping the social and economic structure of the country, with results that are now apparent to their own supporters (and unhappily apparent to themselves) their post-revolutionary policies are being repudiated by the new revolutionaries, who have grown up restive under a Labour Administration. For the orthodoxy of Socialism, as a gradual and, in party parlance, scientific process of redistribution of wealth, the new revolutionaries have substituted more forthright methods of reallocating both the resources of the country and the balance of leadership. In other words, Mr Peter Fraser and the conjectural number of Labour leaders in Parliament and in the unions who are loyal to him are facing a critical challenge, with control of the Labour Party—and, inferentially, of the nation—as the cause of war.

The proceedings during the four days’' conference of the Federation of Labour last week showed how bitter the struggle for leadership has become. It is the contention of official federation spokesmen that what our well-informed industrial correspondent has characterised as “ a ridiculous spectacle of disorder, disruption, and stupidity within the higher councils of industrial Labour” has been occasioned by the militants’ attitude on the Auckland carpenters’ dispute. The militants themselves might even endorse that interpretation. But the trouble is more comprehensive in its origins, and more deep-seated. The carpenters’ dispute has brought it again into .the light, but it has been- made manifest on earlier occasions, always with industrial troubles as an activating agent. It is to be remarked that, far from the dissatisfaction within the Federation of Labour arising from labour troubles, it is these industrial upsets which are used by the militants repeatedly to produce crises within the federation. This is an important pointer to the implacable campaign which is being conducted by the Left with the purpose of discrediting the authority of the federation, and so of making it impossible for the Prime Minister and his Right colleagues to represent and direct the Labour Party. . This is politics at its most savage, a party civil war in which truce is only an opportunity for planning fresh attacks and organising more forces. The significance for the people of New Zealand of these turbulent internecine battles in the Federation of Labour, and in the Labour Party itself—where, again, “official” Labour suffered a resounding defeat, this time ostensibly on the conscription issue—is not difficult to determine. Whether or not the Labour Party emerges from the fray ostensibly in good shape to face the electorate, it can scarcely expect to conceal from the people of New Zealand the fact that it is internally split. And however skilfully “ official ” Labour may succeed in covering up the outward cracks in the organisation, it can no longer hope to repair the riven structure. The “ break-away ” union episode in Auckland, and the conscription fiasco at the party conference are symptoms of the fundamental and incurable disease of separatism in the Labour Party. And there is no chance of the Right gaining a positive victory, even if it may achieve a semblance.of unity at election time. Labour in New Zealand has turned sharply to the Left. It is conceivable that Mr Fraser may lead the Labour Party in the general election, but it- is inconceivable that, whether the party wins or loses, he will long remain as leader; A party more attuned to the new interpretation of Socialism, with State supremacy vested in revolutionary rather than evolutionary method, is under construction. One half of the New Zealand electorate decided three years ago that orthodox Socialism was no longer acceptable to it. It is our conviction that a clear majority of citizens are now in opposition to Socialism, and most resolutely determined to combat Communi§m. In. studying the political situation in the coming months, these people, and the rest of the electorate, should keep in mind that the Socialism they have seen at work is, with all its frenzied finance and intolerable controls, but a pale shadow of the system that is taking shape in New Zealand as the old guard of the Labour Party declines in authority. MILK DELIVERIES It would have been better if some inquiries had been made before the proposal was placed • before the Dunedin Metropolitan Milk Board that deliveries be made during the afternoon. The whole business of milk supply has been the subject of much disagreement for several years past and there is hardly an aspect of it, from the rearing of dairy cows to the keeping qualities of th'e milk delivered, that has not been discussed. Even yet there are some important problems to be solved, and until that is done, and probably thereafter, there will be dissatisfaction among one or other section of those engaged in the industry. The requirements of the consumer should also be considered but, in planning, these are infrecfuently regarded as of first importance. However, the proposal put forward byjfMr T. McD. Foster, representative of the Department of Agriculture on the Milk Board, appears to have been prompted primarily—if not solely—by consideration of this factor. If milk , is delivered in the afternoon, said 1 Mr Foster, Dunedin residents will 1 have fresh milk for tea and for i breakfast on the following day. But,

surely if milk is delivered fresh for tea, it is not considered still to be fresh at breakfast time next morning? It may also be asked if it is better to have fresh milk for tea than for any other meal? The possible advantage in this case to the consumer appears to be a very small reason for suggesting a change which would probably add to the difficulties of all who handle milk. The farmer suppliers, producer vendors, milk treatment workers, and vendors would all be affected in some way. To commence with, milking times might have to be altered. This would affect the cows, and it would mean the loss to the farmer of valuable daylight hours. Milk has been delivered in Dunedin in the evenings—under a different system—but that was a seasonal measure during power restrictions, and it may be recalled that a proposal to deliver during daylight hours was rejected by the roundsmen in favour of commencing at 6 p.m. The delivery of milk when the city streets are busiest is obviously undesirable. Mr Foster himself points out that an interruption at the treatment station during the day would cause greater inconvenience than at present. He also anticipates that there might be objections from those handling milk, but he dismisses these rather airily to advocate the consumers’ interests, though he has not even established that the change would really be an advantage to the consumer.