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AUSTRALIAN POLICY IN PACIFIC

STATEMENT BY DR H. V. EVATT

On March 13 the Commonwealth Minister for External Affairs, Dr H. V. Evatt, in the Federal House of Representatives, made a statement on Australian foreign policy. Because of its clear approach from a Dominion viewpoint to the general question of participation in international settlements, and its outline of the Australian position in the Pacific and the Far East, we reproduce relevant portions of the statement verbatim.

apparent. Australian security is very largely dependent on our closest cooperation with the British Commonwealth and fhc United States of America. Any hindrance to the maximum degree of co-operation with either is contrary to the interests of all those countries. Regional arrangements for defence are not only permitted but encouraged by the Charter so long as the objectives are in accordance with the principles of the United Nations.

Netherlands Indies Australia's policy is to assist in the settlement of the dispute and to discourage acts of provocation and violence which by accentuating bitterness are calculated to prevent a just settlement. The lines of a possible settlement of the dispute are indicated in Article 73 of the United Nations Charter, by which each member has undertaken to assist its dependent peoples to increase their rights of selfgovernment. Under Article 73 everything depends on the stage of political development which has been and can be reached by the peoples concerned. What is appropriate to one territory may be entirely inappropriate to another.

The Australian Government is unable to acquiesce in the Potsdam method of approach to the peace making. Our policy is founded 911 three basic principles: (a) Australia, as a European belligerent, is entitled to participate fully in decisions relating to the peace settlement. The establishment of a just and democratic peace in Europe is essential to the security of Britain and all British Dominions. In that sense we cannot contract out of Europe. Lb) Throughout the war we accepted loyally the special position of the three major Powers in the direction of the European war:' These have a special responsibility for the maintenance of peace throughout the world, and are entitled to exercise special rights, but there was a duty to bring other directly interested belligerents info consultation of important peace arrangements. (c) All active belligerents who have contributed substantially to victory are entitled to make a corresponding contribution to the peace.

The recent proposals of the Netherlands East Indies Government seem to make a great advance towards a satisfactory settlement. While Dutch sovereignty is retained, provision is made for a great increase in local self-government, and the proposals also envisage the ultimate admission of an Indonesian Commonwealth into the United Nations. The Dutch proposals are expressly based on Article 73 of the Charter, and our special representative in the Netherlands East Indies is doing what is possible to assist the special British political representative mediating between the parties with a view to a just settlement. Australia has a vital interest in the preservation of the wartime friendship with the Dutch in relation to the Netherlands East Indies. At the same time, it is important to do everything possible to establish good relations with the Indonesian and other dependent peoples of the world who are advancing towards a far greater degree of self-government. These have been actively encouraged by the declaration in the Atlantic Charter of 1941 to which all the United Nations subsequently subscribed. France has succeeded in making satisfactory settlements in relation to some of the peoples of Indo-China and it is to be hoped that a settlement will soon be reached in relation to the Netherlands East Indies.

Far Eastern Commission

The problem of a European settlement can never be regarded by Australia as so important or immediate as that of the settlement with Japan The Australian Government must ensure that the treatment of Japan, in defeat, is such that she will not a second time rise as an aggressor. .Tn relation to Japan, we have held to the democratic principle we have invoked in relation to Europe. The nations which have made a substantial contribution to victory should also take a direct part in the armistice and peace arrangements. In the commission’s work, the Australian delegation assumed much of the initiative, it made a large number of proposals on basic policy, the greater part of which received general approval. Australian status in Pacific councils is sufficiently proved by three imSortant appointments, namely, of eneral Northcott, Mr Macmahon-Bail and Mr Justice Webb. The appointment of an Australian on Australia's nomination to represent not only Australia, but other Governments of the British Commonwealth, including the United Kingdom itself, is a development of great importance. At the. time of the Balfour Declaration in 1926, equality of status in international affairs between the United Kingdom and each of the self-governing Dominions was asserted, but this principle was stated to be modified m practice by dissimilarity of functions in relation to matters of defence and foreign relations. In other words, !he theory of equality was subject to the practice of equality. I need not trace here the rapid development in the practice of Canada’s and Australia’s activities in the international field between 1926 and 1946. An entirely new concept in British Commonwealth relations is now emerging. This concept tends to reconcile full Dominion autonomy with full British Commonwealth co-operation. The same principle involves the possibility of a Dominion acting in certain regions or for certain purposes on behalf of the other members of the British Commonwealth, including the United Kingdom itself. This is evidence thatthe machinery of co-operation between the nations of the British Commonwealth has now reached a stage where a common policy can be carried out through a chosen Dominion instrumentality in an area or in relation to a subject matter which is of primary concern to that Dominion, This principle is capable of extension and suggests the ..possible integration of the British Commonwealth policy at a higher level by a new procedure. Its importance is very grea{ and may rapidly increase.

New Guinea The initiative in regard to our mandated territory, New Guinea, rests with Australia. The existing “C ” class mandate will naturally provide the basis for the new agreement. Therefore, to be acceptable, the new agreement must, like the present mandar.e, designate Australia as the exclusive administering authority and must permit the territory to be administered as an integral portion of the territory of Australia, subject to the general duty to promote the welfare of the inhabitants. As regards the phrase “ States directly concerned,” my view is that these are those States only which have an interest recognisable by international law in the'sovereignty. control or disposition of a territory. The opportunity will be taken to eliminate a negative feature of the mandate system which, in the past, proved to be a grave danger to Australia. We shall ask for the right to establish bases in the interests of the security of Australia and of the South-West Pacific area.

The Pacific This area will increasingly present the problems most immediate and vital to Australia. While. we are directly affected by events in Europe, our stake iri the Pacific is paramount. The Australian j Government has never relaxed in its determination to see this country a party principal in all international decisions that affect this area. Our efforts cannot be lessened. Australia stands to Asia geographically and politically in something of the same relationship as the United Kingdom to Europe. In such circumstances, there is always a certain tendency to seek refuge in isolationism and baulk away from the problems that seem to have no obvious bearing on our way of life in this country. But, like the United Kingdom in relation to Europe, Australia cannot afford to be insular in the Pacific. By the study of Pacific affairs and through expansion of direct diplomatic and consular representation, Australia is setting out to make her own assessments of the problems of the Pacific By so doing, we may speak with a fresh, direct and independent voice in the councils of Pacific nations. It is our wish and intention to play a dynamic part in achieving, as a member of the British Commonwealth a world comity. It is our destiny and duty to play that part in the Pacific.

No Hasty Arrangements

’ The Australian Government had made known its conviction that Pacific questions should not be dealt w'lh precipitatedly or piecemeal. Australia realises the importance of making security arrangements in the Pacific In this matter, account must be taken of the rights and interests of all the Allies of the United Nations and of the welfare of Pacific peoples who are not yet self-governing. Australia will not be party to any hasty, arrangements for the re-alloca-tion of territory or the disposition of military bases in the Pacific. It does not recognise the claim that the acquisition of territory by force •'f arms confers a right to the retention of that territory. Australian fighting men have contributed to the common cause of victory in Europe and the Middle East, as well as in the Pacific. Moreover, Australia is at least as vitally concerned as any other nation in ensuring that provision is made for the future security of me Pacific. Our experience in the war is fresh in our minds. The Government is very conscious of its obligation to the people of Australia to ensure that such a threat never recurs.

Australia will enter into no commitments which will lessen the control of the Australian people over their own territories Any consideration of plans for the joint use of any bases in Australia’s dependent territories should be preceded by an overall defence arrangement for the region of the Western Pacific, including the islands formerly mandated to Japan. As an incident of any such arrangement. Australia should be., entitled to reciprocal use of foreign bases in the region thus providing for an overall increase in the security both of Australia and of all other United Nations with interests in the region.

Detailed means of implementing a Pacific security policy have yet to be decided but this much is already

Portuguese Timor

Timor is of great importance to Australia-.- In enemy hands during the war, this possession was a danger continually threatening the safety of Darwin. The early Japanese capitulation precluded the association of Portuguese and Australian forces in the struggle, but common peril formed a secure basis for co-operation. In the future we are watching with great interest the efforts of the new administration to rehabilitate the colony. We hope to see an early development in trade between Timor and Australia We look forward to the conclusion at an opportune time of these agreements relating to defence and aviation which the Portuguese Government has already undertaken to negotiate yvith Australia.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT19460329.2.111

Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 26114, 29 March 1946, Page 9

Word Count
1,804

AUSTRALIAN POLICY IN PACIFIC Otago Daily Times, Issue 26114, 29 March 1946, Page 9

AUSTRALIAN POLICY IN PACIFIC Otago Daily Times, Issue 26114, 29 March 1946, Page 9