LABOUR’S COURSE

Otago Daily Times, Issue 22631, 24 July 1935, Page 11

LABOUR’S COURSE

THE LINE IN BRITAIN ATTACK AND REPLY. It is freely prophesied that a general election may take place this autumn, but it cannot be delayed longer than the autumn of next year _ (says Public Opinion). It is not surprising, therefore, that the publishers are issuing books on the Labour policy, not only of the present Government but volumes also that deal with that of the official Labour Opposition. In “Towards a National Policy, Lord Elton, Professor Zimmern, and others give the case for the National Government from the National Labour point of view, and in the course of a striking preface, Mr Ramsay MacDonald, it will be seen, has definite views, for he writes: — , . , . , . “Socialism is a word which is used in several ways. To the student of social history it is the stage in industrial organisation which follows capitalism, and which, so soon as capitalism has solved the problem of production, begins to grow up within capitalism itself as the solution of the next historical problem—-dis-tribution. That is what is happening today, and it is from that historical task of Socialism that the thoughts of our people are now being diverted by the propaganda and outlook of the present Labour Party which retains sound, general phrases for its defence but adopts 1 Poplarism for its votes. ... “In 1924, without a solitary protest from the party, I wrote in a preface to a new edition of ‘ Socialism; Critical and Constructive “‘ It cannot be over-emphasised that public doles, Poplarism . . . not only are not Socialism, but may mislead the spirit and policy of the Socialist Movement.’ “Perhaps those who write so glibly about the ‘ causes ’ of the 1931 division might acquaint themselves with the views of British Socialism, and those who follow the ' new intelligentsia ’ might do well to trace out the sources of their proposals, which certainly will not be found in British Socialism. DICTATORSHIP AND DOLES. “ The Labour Party has ceased _to work at the problem of how Socialism is to come and what forms of social control must be devised to embody its social and individual ends, and has become a party which divides politics on Poor Law issues. _ Under pressure of partisan necessity its leaders forfeited the proud position of the British Socialist movement as the world-recognised pioneer in the practical application of Socialist' doctrines, and have led it on to a ground which is a sort of no-man’s land between dictatorship and Poor Law doles.”

Referring to press and party warfare, Mr MacDonald writes:—“The most ordinary event must be ‘sensational,’ ‘astounding,’ ‘mysterious,’ ‘a monstrous scandal,’ and what not. Rumour is made to rank with fact. “ This is one of the gravest dangers which public opinion and democratic judgment have now to face in, domestic affairs, but, when international matters are dealt with in the same way the danger to world peace is of the gravest kind.” Major C. A. Attlee, M.P., is the editor of a series of books which will explain Labour policy. He is the author of the first, “The Will and the Way to Socialism,” and it is interesting to note that he specially emphasises the value of the alliance of the co-operative movement. “ It is the function of the consumer to say what shall be produced,” says Major Attlee. “It is for those engaged in production to say how commodities shall be produced and services rendered. THE ONE ORGANISATION. “ The only effective organisation of the consumers is the co-operative movement. Outside this the method of trial and error obtains. The producer endeavours to ascertain what the consumers want, or expends much money and energy in trying to persuade them that the commodities which.he produces are what they desire. Over a wide and growing area the consumer has no choice, because private interests have created a monopoly. “The need for the expression of the consumer’s wishes increases with the variety of alternatives. There is no room for selection in undifferentiated products, such as electric power or water, and but little in staple foods, but when one reaches clothing, housing, and the wide range of beyond necessities, it is essential to freedom that the choice of the consumer should operate. Thus a proper organisation of the consumers and adequate provision for ascertaining their desires is part of the Socialist plan. The co-operative organisations supply the foundation of this.” Major Attlee tries to reassure some of those experts who may dread the subservience of the individual in national schemes. He states: —

“ There is widespread anxiety amongst those belonging to the managerial and technical grades of worker that Socialisation and workers’ control will mean a constant interference with their legitimate sphere. They fear that they will be constantly under the surveillance of committees, and will be subjected to petty restrictions which will prevent them from performing their functions. “ I do no't think that this fear is justified. There is among the workers of this country a fairly general recognition of the proper sphere of authority and an appreciation of the need for allowing those in responsible positions freedom and initiative. I think that this view would be borne out by the heads of industrial departments of local authorities who have experienced Labour in power. “ SHORT-SIGHTEDNESS.” “The technician to-day is far more hampered by the short-sighted view of financial interests. In socialised industry all alike will be animated by a common motive —the public interest. The technician will know that his inventions and schemes of rationalisation will inure to the benefit of all, instead of.bringing hardship and ruin to their collaborators in the productive process.” “There are only two ways of solving that problem,” writes the Right Hon. Arthur Henderson, M.P., in “Labour’s Way to Peace,” in the same series. “ One is to revert to the traditional

conception of each nation being sole judge of its rights and, therefore, solely responsible for their defence. ... “The other way is to make a reality of the method of pooled defence by putting the whole power of the British Empire behind the League in exchange for other countries doing the same. This new method mcati« that we have only one frontier—the Covenant, which guarantees us, on die basis of reciprocity, that if our territory be invaded, or if thirdparty judgment on our rights be tiouted, we shall have the world on our side against the aggressor. “That is a limited ami manageable commitment. On this basis it will become possible drastically to reduce, limit, control, and ultimately internationalise armaments. On these lines the more the nations organise their collective national defence, the safer we shall all become, and the more remote will be the danger of war. “The new method involves the risk of trusting at least some other nations (so docs an alliance) and of third-party judgment on our rights. But it affords a reasonable chance of getting rid of war altogether. It is the method to which we are pledged by treaty obligations that it cost 10,000,000 dead and 20,000,00 f wounded to bring into existence. Wowe it to the dead, as well as to tinliving, to put our frontier in the Covenant and our national defence behind ou frontier.”