THE INDUSTRIAL WORLD

Otago Daily Times, Issue 22609, 28 June 1935, Page 2

THE INDUSTRIAL WORLD

NEWS AND NOTES

By J. T. Paul

. . . Christianity will fit better into a co-operative order than into a competitive one. It is not at home in an order where the weakest 20 to the wall and the devil takes the hindmost. In such, a society Christinity is gasping for breath. It is not its native air. But its genius would flower in a co-operative order, for there love and goodwill and sharing, which are of the very essence of Christianity, would be at home.—Dr Stanley Jones in " Christ and Communism." SHEARERS' CONDITIONS. A request that the Government revive the Shearers Accommodation Act was made by a deputation to the Minister of Labour (Mr A. Hamilton) from the New Zealand Workers' Union. Mr A. Cook, secretary of the union, said that the deputation was representative, of the annual conference of the New Zealand Workers' Union, and it asked that the Shearers Accommodation Act, which had been suspended by the Government on the recommendation of the National Expenditure Adjustment Commission, should again be put into operation. The Act had been suspended on the ground of economy. It had costabout £4OO a year to operate, and the conference now considered that the time was opportune when its provisions should again be availed of. The matter was one of great importance to the workers in the industry, as since the suspension of the Act there had been no inspection of shearers' quarters, which on many stations were now in a bad state. It was only fair that station owners should provide a reasonable state of comfort for the shearers. On many stations the accommodation was all that could be desired, but in others the workers had to put up with any kind of conditions. Mr Cook's remarks were supported by Messrs C. Grayndler (Wellington), J. G. Leckie (Timaru), and J. Gill (Masterton), who drew the Minister's attention to particular cases where the' conditions under which the men lived were far from being comfortable or sanitary. Replying, the Minister agreed that it was wise that the Government sTTould see that the accommodation was kept at a reasonable standard. Except for last year, the sheep farmers had had a pretty hard time. The administration of the Act bad been suspended, and he gave an undertaking that the complaints would be investigated, after which he would confer with Mr Cook. Mr Grayndler: You would not have much difficulty in applying the Act in very bad cases? The Minister: None whatever. LABOUR ORGANISATION. A strong Left Wing is developing in Jhristchurch Labour circles (says the Uhristchurch Times). According to statements of men prominently connected with the movement, meetings of the Labour Representation Committee during the past two years have shown an increasing tendency to faction fighting. The direct action group has grown steadily btronger and at the present stage is dominating the deliberations of the committee. The statement was made on Tuesday that unless the National Executive selected as its nominee for the Lyttelton seat either a candidate from outside Christchurch or outside the present prominent local group bad feeling was likely to cause open friction of a disastrous nature. The first public hint of this had been given during the week, it was stated. The rumour had been made public that unless the nominee of one group was selected that group—a strong one—would not give its support at the coming election. There was truth behind that rumour, it was stated, but it was equally true that the rumour had been made public by representatives of opposing groups in an effort t& discredit that nominee. Organisation and counter organisation has been the feature of all recent internal elections, and the Left Wing had assumed an ever-increasing control of the situation. A prominent Labourite urged all with Labour sympathies to take an active interest in the party, to attend branch and union meetings where political questions were under discussion, and to give an expression of their wishes as to how the party should be conducted and who should conduct it. The disruptive element would have to be submerged and the placeseekers with loud voices held under control. For example, he pointed to the last municipal election. That fight had been lost, he said, not because of the efficiency of the Citizens' Association organisation, but because the Labour ticket represented in the main the group at present in control of the Labour Representation Committee. Party loyalty had given them a large block vote, but it was a vote without enthusiasm except in a few cases. The Left Wing of the Labour Party in f[ ew . Zealand was represented largely in the Alliance of Labour, he said. Owing to the legislation affecting the Arbitration Court, and the unemployment problem, which left most of the unions in severe financial straits, the feeling for direct action had grown strong again lakmg advantage of this, the Alliance of if i? u j r organised its forces and marshalled under its banner many unions that formerly had held aloof. The idea was to organise all associated trades into groups so that in the event of any one trade being put into the position of having to take direct action, it would be supported solidly by every member of the group. These groups were already so strong that in the «>vent of trouble the whole industrial system of New Zealand could be paralysed. Through its industrial organising, the left wing—represented largely by council workers, labourers, drivers, seamen, watersiders, timber workers, and the like —held a large majority on the Labour Representation Committee, and recent Labour tickets had, in the main, represented this body.

The official gave instances where, he said, men of proved ability had been beaten for office by comparative newcomers, who had packed meetings with their supporters, of plump voting against men who had in some way given offence to the controlling group and of petty jealousies and intrigues. In some cases sitting members of Parliament and local bodies had won selection by the slightest of majorities against men who were unknown outside their own group.

" I am telling you these facts, not in an endeavour to discredit the party, but because I think it is time that the large body of Labour supporters should know the position into which they are being driven," said the official. " I have no private axe to grind. I am not oifering as a candidate for any position, but have given years of service to the movement, and 1 am not going to watch apathetically while its fine ideals are trampled by those who think that a rising tide will carry them into office. I know that all the old stalwarts who helped the late Harry Holland to carry the party to its present position of respect are watching the position apprehensively, i " They look forward now, as I do, to the day when the party will occupy the Treasury benches—but they want it to go there united and strong, carried by men of wisdom and experience. That is the only way the Labour Party can win and hold the trust and regard of the people. In England and Australia the Labour Party has produced great statesmen, and it can do it in New Zealand, but it must be backed bv a loyal and disciplined party or it will fail."

COMMUNIST ACTIVITY IN JAPAN. The Japanese Government has. introduced legislation for " the maintenance of law and order." The legislation is aimed particularly at the Communist Party. Under the new legislation (according (o a Labour exchange) anyone forming or leading an organisation striving to change the form of government can be punished" by death. The campaign against "dangerous ideas" goes so far that even " membership of an organisation opposed to private property may be punished with 10 years' imprisonment." A characteristic clause stated that " former adherents to Communism, now converted, are to be kept under police control." This clause is for the purpose of enabling the Japanese police to continue its provocations and espionage. At the present time about 8000 Communists are in gaol in Japan, but the Government does not seem able to stem the growing influence of the Communist Party in that country.

METAL TRADE UNITY. Representatives of the various unions in the metal trade group, at a conference held at the Sydney Trades Hall, decided vigorously to pursue the question of the formation of one union in the industry, and every effort is to be made to have a. Commonwealth-wide convention called to discuss the matter. A resolution adopted by the conference affirmed the desirability of all unions in the industry amalgamating. Approval wag given to the principles outlined in the draft proposals submitted by the Metal Trade Group, and these are to be revised to meet the views put forward by the various organisations. It was agreed that a State-wide conference of the unions should be held at an early date to consider the draft plans. In the meantime every organisation is to be called upon to conduct a campaign with the object of popularising the amalgamation scheme. Every State branch is to be asked to make every endeavour to secure the cooperation of the Federal Executive of the union, and special endeavours are to be made immediately to bring kindred unions in the industry closer together and to effect amalgamation wherever possible, thus reducing the number of separate organisations in the metal trades. KRUPP WORKERS VANISH. Fourteen workers employed in the Krupp works at Essen have recently disappeared without leaving a trace (says an exchange). None of their fellowworkers know what has happened to them. Their relatives, applying to the police for aid. have been ''advised" by the Secret Police agents not to make any further inquiries in any form unless they want to find themselves in concentration camps. Threats from the Secret Police indicate that the vanished men have been under suspicion of making statements on the armaments being manufactured at the works. The rumour persists at Essen that they have been murdered. MONETARY REFORM. r _ Besides the Labour and Socialist parties in the advanced countries, there are in each of them other forces working independently for reform of the monetary system, and all of these that are worth considering (says Queensland Worker) hold in common the following four basic principles:— 1. They are agreed upon the injustice of the system 01 issuing all new money in the form of a debt by the community to the private monopolists; and upon the urgent necessity of restoring to the Crown its right to issue and control all forms of money. 2. They are agreed that a monetary system based on gold Is inadequate, and that the, right basis for a community's money is" the real wealth at its disposal. 3. They are agreed that, to prevent the inflationary tendencies of the issue of new money, prices must be controlled. 4. They are agreed that, as the increasing use of machinery involves the- displacement of human labour, the purchasing power of the community (unemployed ns well as employed) must be increased by some method supplementary to wages and salaries. CLOTHING TRADE WORKERS. The introduction of a new system by employers in Melbourne was responsible for a strike by females at three factories in the clothing trade. About 160 were involved in the dispute. Under the "task and bonus" system women were given a minimum weekly task for a minimum weekly wage of £2 Is and wages pro rata for extra work. Throe employers decided to adopt what is called the " sectional system" for making trousers. Under the old system machinists received an average of 9d per pair of trousers. According to the new rates and allowances, and the time allotted for the work under the new system, the price for making a pair of trousers would be a little over 5Jd per pair, and the employers evidently contemplate employing a greater number of juveniles. "PROLETARIAN LITERATURE." Soviet writers, organised in their national trade union, assembled recently in Moscow (says the Christian Science Monitor) to receive warnings from their leader, Maxim Gorky, and from the Bulgarian Communist, Georgi Dimitroff, hero of the Reichstag trial, that their novels and plays are not reaching the hearts and minds of the real workers in Russia. In talks with Russian workers, these men said they had discovered—as did Louis Admic in the United States —that "proletarians " do not like the present brand of " proletarian literature." Mr Dimitroff, in an outspoken talk with the writers, said: "I do much reading, when I have the time. But I must confess that I seldom have patience to read our revolutionary literature. Frankly, I don't understand it. And if I know the workers I can say with confidence that it does not appeal to them. The worker seldom finds any type, anjr character in these proletarian novels which he can recognise, which inspires him as a model worth following." Maxim Gorky, after listening to a number of reports by writers, said it seemed to him Soviet writers are in a "rut" and are trying to write according to a set of fixed standards and rules, using the eame old methods, ideas, and even the same material over and over again. As a result, their writings have become tiresome. To one who has studied the Soviet publishing system, it is not difficult to understand why this is true. For Soviet writers, like those in any other country, write for the market, and the only market in Russia is the Government-controlled publishing houses. If a writer does not satisfy the official editors, he cannot get anything published. Therefore, Soviet writers, like those elsewhere, study the market and try to please the official editors. It is natural that they should imitate previous works which have been acceptable. Only the most successful can afford to risk losing their time by striking out on some new line which editors might not welcome. But perhaps MY Gorky was indirectly criticising the official editors in this talk with writers. Perhaps he was thus informing the writers that if they write novels and plays which will make a genuine appeal to the "masses" he will use his powerful influence to compel the official editors, who are by the very nature of their position extremely cautious, to publish and produce them. He may have been warning the editors that the Soviet public is bored by the unceasing flood of political tracts dressed up in fictional and dramatic form.

The limited range of Soviet contemporary literature probably accounts in large part for the growing public interest m Russian andforeign classics, and in work of any foreign writer which the official editors translate and publish. With a few exceptions, there is more public demand for "classics" than for any contemporary writers.