THE DOMINIONS AND FOREIGN POLICY

Otago Daily Times, Issue 22568, 11 May 1935, Page 12

THE DOMINIONS AND FOREIGN POLICY

While the great constitutional changes embodied in the decisions of the Imperial Conference of 1926, and the Statute of Westminster five years later, accorded equality of status with Great Britain to the self-governing dominions of the British Empire, the implications and consequences of these momentous sanctions extend further than the theoretical independence which they confer upon the various members of the British Commonwealth. In reposing such trust and confidence in the loyalty and wisdom of the dominions, Great Britain may be said to have assumed a definite recognition on the part of those dominions of the difiiculty of the . maintenance of an absolute and unconditional autonomy. In the presence in London at this time of dominion Prime Ministers an occasion has arisen for the discussion of this matter. It is reported in our cabled news that consideration will certainly be given to the question of the relationship of the nations of the Empire to the Homeland in the event of the emergence of a crisis in foreign affairs that may demand immediate action on the part of the Imperial authorities. The point to be determined is whether Great Britain can expect her dominions to ally themselves actively with her in foreign activities concerning which there has been no time or opportunity for consultation. Mr Forbes, while en route to England, declared in an interview in Canada that "when Britain is at war, we are at war." In fact, he went further and suggested that no discussion of the matter would be necessary. Notwithstanding that, in expressing this view, Mr Forbes also said that he was convinced that Britain would make no military commitments, in the name of the Empire that were not absolutely necessary, his declaration was promptly criticised by the Leader of the Opposition in the Dominion, who stated that any policy of co-operation in war abroad must be based on "discussion, negotiation and agreement." In the first view of the matter " discussion, negotiation and agreement" would appear to be the inalienable right of a dominion co-equal with the Mother Country. It should be apparent, however, that the matter is not one that lends itself easily to settlement. The South African Minister of Defence, addressing the Imperial Press Conference at Capetown, envisaged a dominion with, independent status thinking primarily of her own interests as opposed to those of Britain alone. Moreover, there is reason to suspect that current opinion in Canada follows broadly the same line of argument, although in the ease of that dominion considerations peculiar to herself influence the public mind on the subject. A country separated from the United States only by an imaginary border line of 3000 miles in length along which no fortress, or other military establishment has ever been raised, might well be expected to have ideas of its own with regard to such matters. New Zealand conditions, however, differ widely from those that exist in either of these other dominions. Even if it should be conceded that this country need not inevitably regard itself, simply ; by virtue of its membership of the British Commonwealth, as an active participant in any Avar in which Britain may become involved, yet, despite a status of equality and the enjoyment of full autonomy, it is not difficult to conceive sound reasons why a policy of isolation cannot be entertained. If Britain were overwhelmed, of what value as an arm of defence would autonomous status, be to New Zealand? No foreign Power, capable of invading and capturing these shores, could be expected to respect in the smallest degree the independence which New Zealand enjoys if it should suit her purpose not to do so. What has actually to be determined at the present time is how long Britain should be expected to delay action in a crisis, pending an expression of opinion by her autonomous dominions. No difficulty exists with respect to the. normal course of foreign affairs, but in the event of a war in which Britain may find herself compelled to take part the issues may well be too urgent to permit of any consultation with the dominions. War has a disconcerting habit of appearing suddenly "out of the blue." In such a contingency Mr Savage's "discussion, negotiation and agreement" must be out of the question. It would seem, therefore, that, although consultation up to the last possible moment is both desirable and necessary, Britain must act on her own initiative whenever an occasion of particular urgency may arise. Nor should there be any reason to apprehend that the dominions, reposing their confidence in the judgment and sanity of British Ministers, would not immediately associate themselves with the Mother Country in such an emergency.