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THE IRISH AGREEMENT.

BOUNDARY REPORT SUPPRESSED. PRIME MINISTER’S STATEMENT. PASSED WITHOUT A DIVISION. (From Oue Own Correspondent.) LONDON, December 15. The Irish Boundary Commission’s Report and map are to be put away with the archives for possible publication in some future years when possibly the I ll ® ll boundary, as Mr Baldwin expressed it, would arouse about as much excitement in Ireland as Of fa’s Dyke or Hadnans Vi all does in this country to-day. The event® which led up to the signature of the Irish agreement are well known, but it may not be so clearly understood why it has been necessary for both Governments to take immediate legislative action to implement the Agreement. The resignation of the hrec State I Commissioner did not invalidate the eventual I award of the Boundary Commission. On I Aurast 1, 1924, the report of the Judicial j Committee of tbe Privy Council on the constitutional problem arising from the refusal of the Government of Northern Ireland to appoint a Commissioner was published. Uio Committee found that so long as a re P re * I sentativo of the Northern Government had not been appointed the Boundary Commis-sion-would be incompetent to give an aware. But they added that if all three Commissioners were appointed to represent the three Governments interested the Commission would be competent to give a .majority award. When, therefore, the British and Free State 'Governments passed Amending Acts empowering the former Government to appoint, a Commisioner for the Government of Northern Island, ana that appointment had been made, the Commission was legally constituted,- and its arbitral award was legally binding. The aecision of the three Governments on grounds of general national policy that the present boundary should consequently made amending legislation an immediate necessity in both Parliaments. Further it was considered necessary to relieve the Free State Government in return for its adhesion to the Agreement—of certain of its liabilities under the Treaty. IN THE HOUSE OP COMMONS. The House of Commons agreed to the passing of all the stages of the Bill which confines the Irish Agreement. There were some expressions of doubt whether other the Agreement or the Bill, will accomplish »U that is hoped and claimed for them but there was no real and Mr win’s task in commending the Eill to the House was one of explanation rather than was crowded In readiness for the Prime Minister’s speech. It was _ entirelv characteristic —well-phrased, careful, deaf sincere, with a note of quiet humour mingling harmoniously now and then in a composition which attractively combined realism, idealism, and hopeiulness. WHAT THE FREE STATE PAYS. Without discussing Ireland's ability to pay—a subject examined in great detail by the Chancellor of the Exchequer at a later stage of the debate —the Prime Minister showed that what this country stood to recover in respect of national debt liability and war pensions was at best a wholly speculative matter. We had put forward, as a basis of discussion, a preliminary claim of £128,000,000, which, with accrued interest, might total £155,000,000. and be represented by a 60 years' annuity of £6 °SO 000. But abatements were involved and” hypothetical, and they could have no precise knowledge of the counter-claims which might have been made. In any case, the figure, said the Prime Minister, would now remain an unknown quantity. In consideration of this undetermined liabUity the Free Stats had undertaken full liability for material damage in its area since January, 1919, and the repayment of British liabilities under previous agreements —amounts calculated at something over £5,000,000. The offer of the Free State to discharge this obligation by an immediate payment of £150,000 and an annuity of £250,000 for 60 years has been adopted. SETTLEMENT WITH NORTHERN IRELAND. As to the pecuniary arrangement with Northern Ireland, the Prime Minister explained that the settlement of the boundary question would now enable the police force to be placed on a normal footing. The British contribution towards the maintenance of that force would cease after the present year, but towards the cost of this year’s maintenance and of demobilisation the Government would ask Parliament to vote a grant in aid of £1,200,000 as a final settlement. The Prime Minister’s exposition of the financial implications of the agreement was an essential part of a powerful justification of the document as a whole. With an animation that is foreign to his usual style in addressing the House, Mr Baldwin defended the settlement with a sincerity which would have evoked sympathetic response even if there had existed any substantial body of hostile opinion in the Chamber. He demonstrated first how Article XII and the boundary question must have stood in the way of any permanent peace in Ireland. A better feeling had undoubtedly arisen there in the last four years, but even that made the risk of an unhappy decision even greater. Besides, the settlement as to finance and the boundary, the principal gain in the agreement is the provision that the Free State and Northern Ireland Governments shall meet together as and when necessary to consider matters of common interest'. “That,” said Mr Baldwin, “was put. in at the desire of Sir James Craig and Mr Cosgrave, and there is a real intention on their part to translate the words into action. During the last fortnight 1 could have had no more staunch and loyal helpers in the cause of peace” than the two Irish Premiers. LABOUR’S CLAIM. Mr J. H. Thomas (who, as Colonial Secretary last year, was specially responsible for the Boundary Commission) blessed the agreement, and was rather over-anxious that his own party should have some credit for it. He appealed for the release of politica.l prisoners, both in the North and in the South, ns further proof of the new spirit of goodwill. In the unavoidable absence of Mr Lloyd George, Mr Herbert Fisher spoke for the Liberals. He offered unstinted congratulations on the settlement, and welcomed it as giving bright hope of a happier future for Ireland. It is, he said, the best solution of the problem that could be conceived. The Liberal spokesman struck no jarring note, and did not follow the example of Mr Thoma® in claiming credit for his own party. He merely re-aifirmed the fiiith which Liberals have long cherished that Irishmen would work out their own destiny if left to manage their own affairs. NOT EXPECT TOO MUCH. Mr Churchill, replying for tbe Government, argued that. in. any case, there would have had to be “a scaling down” in “accordance with Ireland’s capacity to pay. We could not have ruthlessly tried to exact the last farthing, irrespective of the consequences. Mr Churchill took the lino that too much must not be expected. “Injuries rankle,’’ lie said, “partisanship thrives, bitter feellings endure, and intolerance born of centuries will not be dismissed in the course of a generation. Those who expect too much will be disappointed, but we need not expect too littisv Ycxp Biobabigr tbera mata-

here here who will live to ss© the harvest gathered and to find by the side of Britain a happy and united Ireland, proud of her undoubted share in founding the British ~ Empire and endeavouring to contribute to its strength and progess.” Whereupon, without a division, the House put the Bill through all its stasis.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT19260129.2.28

Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 19700, 29 January 1926, Page 6

Word Count
1,220

THE IRISH AGREEMENT. Otago Daily Times, Issue 19700, 29 January 1926, Page 6

THE IRISH AGREEMENT. Otago Daily Times, Issue 19700, 29 January 1926, Page 6