ELECTION CAMPAIGN

Otago Daily Times, Issue 19616, 21 October 1925, Page 5

ELECTION CAMPAIGN

CANDIDATES’ ADDRESSES DUNEDIN CENTRAL. HON. C. E. STATHAM’S ADDRESS. The Hon. C. E. Slatham, candidate for the Dunedin Central seat, opened his election campaign last, evening with an address in the Morningtou Presbyterian Church Hall. There was an attendance of approximately 200 electors. Mr Statham received a very attentive hearing and at the conclusion of his address ho was accorded a hearty vote of thanks. The chair was occupied by Mr J. W. Patton, and in his opening remarks welPatton, and in his opening remarks said Mr Statham was well-known in the district. Mr Statham, who was received with loud applause, thanked the audience for its kind reception of him. It had always been his custom to open his election campaign in Mornington.—(Applause.) It was his intention to give an account of his stewardship. Ho did not wish to touch upon party politics, and in that respect he was somewhat handicapped, more especially as he could not take off the gloves.

HIS ABSOLUTE INDEPENDENCE. Mr Statham reminded his audience that at the last general election he had stood as an Independent candidate. lie had again and again stated from the public platform during that, election that he desired the electors to send him back to Parliament free and untrammelled so far as party ties were concerned, to do what he thought best in the interests of the people. At his meetings he had been asked to state how he would vote upon a want-of-confidence motion, and again and again he had replied that he would give no pledge whatever and that he asked the electors to trust him to do exactly what he thought right. On those terms the electors of Dunedin Central had done him the honour of electing him again as their representative. It was clear, therefore, that he was absolutely free to vote in any way he pleased on a want-of-confidence motion. It nad been said that he was returned as an opponent of the present Government, notwithstanding the fact that he had refused to pledge himself on a want-of-conlidence motion. As a matter of fact he might have been just as accurately described as an opponent of all the parties in the House. He did not belong to any of them, and had bad occasion to criticise each one of them when he thought that criticism was deserved. His acceptance of the Speakership did not mean that he had allied himself in any waV with any party in the House, although he had been perfectly free to do so if ho had thought fit without breaking any pledges, because of his freedom to vote where he pleased on a want-of-oonfidence motion. When a Speaker was elected he held office for the whole term of the Parliament, and changes of Government did not affect him. It was, however, the invariable rule that whatever Government happened to be, wr was to come into power during his term f/{ office, the Speaker gave his casting vote in favour of that Government on a notonfidence motion. If, for example, another party had come into power during his (Mr Statham’s) term of office, his casting vote on a no-confidence motion would have had to be given in favour of the new Government after it assumed office.' To argue that because the Speaker gave his casting vote in this way he tberebv joined or became a supporter of the Government for the time being was to argue that the Speaker always belonged to the party in power, and changed his party with every change of Government. He (Mr Statham) had not joined the Reform Party or any other party' in the House. He still retained his absolute independence. He might also point out, in passing, that on a no-confidence motion the present Government had a pledged following of 41 against 38 (composed of 17 Labour and 21 Ljberals and Independents) without taking his (Mr Statham's) vote into account at all. It was certain, therefore, that if the Governmen could not carry on no other party ■could and it was quite likelv that there would have had to lie another election, which mirrht after all have produced no more satisfactory result. He had reason to believe that it' was the. generaLi.desire of the House that ho should accept the Speakershio. THE SPEAKERSHIP. Mr Statham then proceeded to explain the position of Speaker, and emphasised the fact that the Speaker was elected by the House itself, and not by the Government for the time being. He was not m any way Under the control of the Government, and the House alone was his master. It was essential that he should bo a man well versed in the Standing Orders and practice of the House; one who -would keep himself _ free of all party bias and who would deai fairly anti impartially with every section and member of the House. His (Mr Statham’s) independence of all party allegiance had been a, distinct advantage, not only to himself, but to the House itself. , c , Strange to say, amongst those who first spoke to him upon the possibility of his becoming Speaker, were two Pronunent members of the Parliamentary Laboui Partv. One of them pointed out to him i bat “he was the only man in the House who could fill the position, and the other, on a different occasion, in speaking of his (Mr Statham's) fitness for the position, emphasised the fact that be could quite consistently take it. In .addition, to this, he had boon urged by many friends of all shades of political ooimon that lie ought to allow himself to be nominated. Knowing that ho could conscientiously accept the office without breaking any pledge, and feeling that he could perhaps best serve his country by accepting the office, he (Mr Statham) had consented to be nominated. Surely the fact that he had been elected by 61 votes to 17 was evidence of the fact that the great rnajonty of his brother members approved of the step he had taken, and he trusted that he had justified their choice.—(Applause..) He desired to express publicly his thanks to every section of the House for the loyal support afforded to him in the performance of his duties/ It was something to the credit of the New Zealand Legislature that during the whole of the last three years there had been no case of disorder, and no member had been suspended or otherwise censured by th© House. It was a record rf which he ventured to say that net only he himself, but also the House and the whole country, was proud.—-(Applause.) He believed that he had en toyed the confidence of the members of all tiarties, and ho need hardly say that that confidence had been respected. His counsel and advice bad been at the disposal of every member, and had been freely and cheerfully given provided, of course, that he was not asked to advise on party tactics or to become in any way involved in party politics. His own independence had helped him to maintain that impartiality so essential to the position, and he booed that he had been worthy of the tributes paid to him in the House, by all political parties, at the end of the last three sessions. KEEPING CLEAR OF PARTY POLITICS. Mr Statham %vent on to say that it was his earnest desire to keep clear of partv politics during the present election. Such a course made his position a difficult one, but he felt that as one who had had the privilege and the honour of being Speaker in the last Parliament, and who hoped to hold the same position in the next, it was better that he should not become embroiled in any party strife. —(Applause.) In England it had become an unwritten rule that the Speaker should not be opnosed in his own constituency. That tradition was not being followed in the present electio, but although he felt somewhat at a disadvantage, it w.as a free country and ho had no complaint to make.—(Applause.) REPRESENTING THE ELECTORATE. Mr Statham next dealt with the allegations that while occupying the Speaker’s chair he could not represent his electorate. He mentioned the fact that in 1923 Mr M’Combs (Labour member for Lyttelton) had been proposed for the Speakership in opposition to himself. If Mr M‘Combs bad been elected to the chair would it have been said of him that he thereupon ceased to represent his electorate? In the Australian Parliaments there were to his (Mr Statham’s) knowledge at least three if not more Speakers who were members of the Labour Party. Was it also said of them that they did not represent their constituencies? He thought not. But these were the kind of tactics to which those opposed to his candidature resorted. Ho (Mr Statham) claimed that his appointment to the Speakership had surely brought some honour to his native city, and in particular to his -own constituency.—(Applause). He was the first New Zealand-born Speaker to occupy the chair. -(Applause.) If his bearers would refer to Hansard followin'' the time of his appointment they would

sec the congratulations offered to him by every section of the House. And surely with the prestige attaching to the office the influence he could exert on behalf of his constituency had not diminished, but had rather very greatly increased. He wouid like to know in what way his constituency or his city had suffered. Could his detractors give one single concrete example? He could show them the voluminous files of correspondence with constituents of all classes during the last three years as evidence that their wants had not been overlooked. Again, it was contended that as Speaker he did not speak or vote in the House, but did not that apply to the Speakers he had already referred to, and indeed to any other person who held the office, whether in the House of Commons in Engalnd or in nr.v part of the British dominions? Surely the use of such an argument was taking a very unfair advantage, and not altogether plavimr the game. He (Mr Statham). in common with other members of the House, often pointed out how little power was vested in the hands of n private member of the House. In pm’* titular, a private member was absolutely debarred from moving any motion or amendment involving the expenditure of the public moneys. Any such exnomlitnre had, first _of all. to have the recommendation of the Crown', acting on the advice of Ministers, and so it followed that a private member bad to depend entirely on any influence be could bring to bear neon the Government of the day. He (Mr Statham) had already pointed out that his own influence in this direction bad not diminished, anti Dunedin had not suffered since he had occupied the chair, but had, on the contrary, received such treatment in the matter of money expenditure that _ some of the northern members were inclined to find fault with the Government on this account.

UNIVERSAL SUPERANNUATION. Mr Statham said that his taking the Speakership did not mean that he had lost sight of all the humanitarian principles ho stood for. Take for example the question of a universal superannuation eohein©* which he had so strongly advocated for some years, and under which superannuation a pension of £IOO per annum would bo paid to ev«aff person resident in New Zealand for the requisite number of years on reaching the age ot w Vears. While he admitted the great benefit the Old Age Pensions Act had conferred upon the old people of New Zealand he hoped to sec removed what he might describe as the stigma of the applicant haying practically to prove poverty before the pension could be paid to him, so that a penalty was put upon thrift. Another objection to the present pension system ever since it had been first passed was that any attempt to supplement the pension by earnings was discouraged as it involved a reduction of the pension. Although the Act had been improved in this respect in recem, years there wag still further room for improvement. He was glad to see that a universal superannuation scheme was now included in the platforms of both the Government and National Parties. Such a scheme, which he was sure would moke for (he happiness and contentment of the whole of the people of New Zealand, could not. but have the support of every rightthinking man and women in the community, and ho had no hesitation in advocating it at everv opportunity. Mr Statham wont, on to speak strongly m support, ot pensions. The pensions for the blind now amounted to 17s 6d per week, and if a pensioner earned anything he got a'subsidy of 25 per cent. That was the sort of legislation that was worth fighting for. It was "up to” the rest of them to give pensions to those who really deserved them - FINANCE.

Referring to the Public Debt he said the amount now stood at £214,000,000. During the hext seven years loans amounting to“£89,500,000 would fall due. 'Hie reserve for the year amounted to £29,000.000 and the expenditure somewhat loss. The point he wished to make was that if this were a huge private commercial undertaking they would select a man capable of managing it. He wished them to realise that the government of the country _ was a huge commercial undertaking and that those who were recording their votes should see to it that they were sending to Parliament men capable of tackling the job. With regard to their exports, which amounted to £54,000,000; he asked them to remember that nothing must be done to hinder these exports getting awav. In ask in# them to return him as their representative he wished them to bear in mind that he was a New Zealander by birth and was practically born and brought up amongst them with a. love and loyalty for that old Britisn stock from which he had sprung. (ApElause.) He wished to assure them that e still had that abidirig faith in the British nation, and that no matter what difficulties the nation encountered Britain would come out on top. ■ New Zealand, too, could very well work out it® own destiny without, any . interference from other countries, aiid it was “iip to” those of ns residing here to, stand faithfully andToyally to the constitution. During the time he had represented them in Parliament he could say—although conscious of his faults —that he had always acted according to his conscience. In the matter of the election he was leaving that in their hands, and if they thought he was a fit and proper person to represent them he asked them to return him with a bigger majority than they did on the last occasion.—(Loud applause). In reply to a question Mr Statham said he would immediately go into the question of the reinstatement of the suburban railway area. On the motion of Mr Jas. Power, seconded by Mr Harper, a hearty vote of thanks was accorded Mr Statham. who stated that he did not desire a vote of confidence in the course of the campaign. WAITAKI SEAT. THE REFORM CANDIDATE. ADDRESS BY MR J. BITCHENER. Mr J. Bitchener, the Reform candidate for the Waitaki seat, addressed a meeting of electors at Ranfurly on Monday night. Mr J. I. Fraser presided over a small attendance. The Chairman said they were always pleased to have Mr Bitchener with them. He had been their representative in Parliament for the past six years, and they had always found him most attentive to any wants of the district brought under his notice.

A FAR-FLUNG ELECTORATE. Mr Bitchener. who was received with applause, said it was some six years since ho had first sought the support of the electors in the Waitaki electorate. During that lime he had had frequent opportunities of meeting the electors in th© district, but, as the chairman had pointed out. he lived a long way from Ranfurly. Still, under the position of the Waitaki electorate that could not bo helped. That night week be 'would be speaking at a township at the back of Timaru—the northernmost part of his electorate —and he was to speak at Oturehua next after Nnsoby. Oturehua, he took it, was about the southernmost part of his electorate. Ho could not speak long at Ranfurly that night, because he had to be in Naseby later in the evening to deliver another address. He had had to speak twice every day since he had started his campaign, because he had had to stay in Wellington right up to the close _ of the session and ins time was now limited. He had been acting chairman of the committee which had had charge of the Washing-up Bill, and as the chairman had loft for his electoral o he had deemed it his duty to stay in Wellington till the session closed.— (“Hear, hear.” His ooponent had told him he did not want to take an unfair advantage of him, and wanted to know when the session was to finish. He could not tell him, and had said he had better not wait it ho wanted to make a start on his campaign. PRIME MINISTER EULOGISED. lie was not going to speak that night on the ordinary lines of a political speech. First of all. he would like to refer to the selection ot Mr Ooates as loader on the death of Mr Massey. Mr Coates was a native-born New Zealander, and ha was imbued with the highest ideals in regard to the government of the country. 1 FUSION. The speaker spent some time on the subject of the fusion of the Reform and Liberal parties. The newspapers had taken the question up and the people of the country were largely in favour of fusion. He had always held that' sooner or later fusion would come, or ought to come, and that when it. did it would make for the general interests of the Government of the country. He was not one of the aqtual “fusioceers,” or as ho might say in the inner circle of the discussions on the matter, but when it had come before his party, ho had had something to say on the question. He had held the opinion that they as members of the House had no mandate from their electors as to fusion, and had said ho did not think it was hardly right that they should be bargaining away when the people had not hr cl a say on tho question. Personally he believed, and still believed, that the bettor time for fusion

was just after an election, and not before it—practically in the dying hours of the life of a parliament. He knew quite well that some people charged the Prime Minister with breaking off the negotiations; others blamed the Hon. A. D. M‘Leod. Minister of Lands, with being the chief obstacle. He did not think either of them was solely responsible. The majority of his party was in favour of fusion after the elections, but not before. He did not know what had taken place in connection with the distribution of portfolios. The only thing that had concerned him was as regards the members of the House. It had been laid down as one of the planks of fusion that when the general election came on all the existing members of the Government, should take the platform as the nominees of the Government. Any other candidates who came along should be either Independents or Liberals. Ho had not been able to subscribe to this decision. He could not agree that they should say to the- people that because they were the “ins” they were to be the Government nominees, and the “outs” were not. to be considered. They had no right thus to bargain away the claims of those who were the “outs.” That was his personal opinion. As they knew, the negotiations had broken down. But what did they now find? The Liberal Party bad been quite prepared to surrender everything—the name of Liberal: the agricultural bank question, which it was so keen on; it was also quite prepared to surrender proportional representation, so long os it. could fusion with the Reform Party. That seemed to be all it wanted, and everything in the garden seemed lovely. PUBLIC EXPENDITURE. Well, said Mr Bitchener, let us analyse the figures and see how the public money has been spent. It was easy to make such, a statement, but if they came down to tin tooks they would see it was not correct. The members of all the parties were crying out for more expenditure in their various electorates, and how could they have economy when members from the Government, the Liberal, and the Labour parties were all asking for greater expenditure? Ho would give them some figures which he had obtained from the Treasury Department dealing with expenditure from the year 1912. Their public indebtedness (with the exception of the war debt) since 1912 had increased by £66,000,000. Their war ,debt stood at something like £77,600,000. The Government was, however, not responsible for the w'ar loan. That had been incurred by the National Government. The Reform Government could not ho accused of reckless expenditure here. Under different heads they borrowed money and they allocated it. In the first place they had productive works, from which they expected to get interest from the money expended. Then they had investments. These also were expected to return interest, so that the State would not bo a loser. Then they had some works not directly productive, such as roads, bridges, etc., but they were, of course, an absolute necessity, and they had the money required for building schools, public buildings, and such like. -Ho did not know ono single member of the House who would point his finger at this or that item and say it could be cut down., He ventured to say that most members had been clamouring for more expenditure than had been decided on. Since 1912 they had spent on productive works—railways, post and telegraphs, telephones, railways took £16,000,000, hydro-electric schemes, State forests —some £27,000,000. Railways took £16,000,000, hydro-electric power £4,000.000. telegraphs and telephones £4,000,000. These were the main items, and he dm not think the Government could be charged with reckless expenditure in this connection. Under investments, including advances to settlers, £5,000,000, advances to workers £4,000,000, opening up Crown lands £1,000,000, and discharged soldiers’ settlement £9,000,000, they had a total expenditure of £27,000,000. These two headings productive and investment, gave a total of practically the same amount. No one could say that they favoured cutting down m these expenditure in any degree whatever. They should get good value for this £52,000,000. On roads and bridges for the period mentioned they were spending altogether'some £6,000,000, and who would say the work was not necessary on public buildings, asylums, etc., the expenditure had been £3,000,000, who could say they had spent too much on education? They had spent nearly £3,000,000 on educational buildings since 1912. and he for one believed they had not spent enough, although they had spent all they could. A reduction of expenditure of about £503,000 had been made in the naval expenses, charges, and sundries, etc., showing quite clearly that the Government had its eye on expenditure and if it were possible was prepared to cut it down. He challenged anyone to say in which direction expenditure could be reduced AUDITOR-GENERAL’S ALLEGATIONS.

Another matter that had assumed some importance during the recent session of Parliament regarded the investigation required as a result of the Auditor-general s charges in connection with alleged overexpenditure by Government officers. Mr Holland had said that nothing but a report by a commission would satisfy the people. And a commission was set up to investigate the working of the departments of the State which bad come under the Audi-tor-general’s criticism. It had been said from the public platform that the Government had appointed a white-washing commission. Wliat were the facts? Phe first man put on the commission was Mr Holland leader of the Labour Party. Messrs M'Combs, Sidey, and Forbes were also on the commission of 10. These four members at least would hardly bo expected to assist the Government in any white-wash-ing. Mr Rollcston. a very keen critic of the Government, although really one of its supporters, was also on the commission. The commission had found that the allegations were totally disproved, and the Government and its officers had come out with clean hands. He know many officers of the State, and he could honestly say he had never known a more competent lot of men in his life. He could not believe that they were so corrupt as the Auditor-general would make believe they were, and they did not need white-washing because he was quite satisfied there was nothing wrong. AGRICULTURAL BANKS. He wanted to say a few words in regard to the question of agricultural banks. It had been said that agricultural banks were what the farmers and the people generally •wanted. He had been a ,member of the committee set tip to investigate the operations of similar banking institutions in other countries. The committee had agreed that while the principle was right, in practice no one knew how it was going to work. The question was where was the money going to come from to run an agricultural bank. One of the members of the committee had suggested that anything less than £20,000,C00 would be of no use whatever to start with. He had not agreed with the argument that such a large sum would be needed, because he considered it might cause wild speculation in land in the Dominion, and the last state would possiblv lie worse than the first. He was very pleased that a committee had been set up to visit other parts of tho world, to get first hand information. Nothing would give him greater pleasure than to make money available to tho farmer and others at a cheaji rate if it could possibly be done. A lot had been said regarding the profits of their banks He knew quite well that they were making huge profits: but it had been said, and he believed quite correctly, that these profits to a large extent were being made in exchange and other ways at Home. Although the Government owned a large number of shares in the Bank of New Zealand it had derived a large revenue in the way of taxes of different kinds. He held no brief for any of their banks, and if .anything could bo done to help the finances of the c oU ,itrv by buying out the Bank of Now Zealand and running it as a Stato bunk ho would vote for it to-morrow. TAXATION.

A large number of people were overburdened wilh taxation in the Dominion to-day. but ho believed this taxation was more local than general. This was not so much the case in the South Island as in the North Island. These local taxes were greater than the land or income taxes imposed by the Government. In the North Island huge sums were being borrowed by the local bodies. In Auckland they were borrowing millions, and ho did not know how thev were going to 7>a.y them back. ' There had been a decrease in the Customs duties on the necessaries of life during the past few years, and the increase in the revenue from Customs duties had been brought about by the large number of motor cars imported to the Dominion. Last year several millions had been sent out of the country for the purchase of cars. He knew there was a divergence of opinion whether the land or the income tax was the more, equitable, but he was opposed to the farmer having to pay both. The income, tax was a great disadvantage to the farmer, because it imposed a handicap on the thrifty farmer, whereas the thriftless fanner paid little or nothing. MAIN HIGHWAYS. It had been claimed that more money was being spent in New Zealand on the main highways in the North Island than in the South Island, hut in the north they had gone in for a huge borrowing policy to secure the subsidy. In the South

Island there were more roads kept up by the Government than in the north, so there was nothing to cavil at. He did not agree that the local bodies were justified in borrowing money to get the main highways subsidy. He considered that the SO per cent, of the moneys collected was not enough by a long way for the, proportion for maintenance cost, and the Act was being amended to permit of 50 polecat being allotcd. He was not prepared to say that even this was enough. Still, the Act could no doubt lie altered as desired. CONCLUSION. In conclusion, the speaker said he believed the State Advances Department had done really good work, and if it had not been for the farmers’ demands made on it he believed the large proportion of the people would be quite satisfied. It gave borrowing facilities that could not be got by borrowing from the private individual. The Reform Government had a record in humanitarian legislation. The Pensions Department had paid out over £1,000.000 last year. No other country provided so well for its different forms of pensions as theirs. The speaker concluded by saying that he had always striven to do his best for the electors of the district, and if he were re-elected ho would continue to work in its interests.—(Applause.) VOTE OF THANKS. The audience had n 6 questions to -ask. and thev seemed reluctant to move any kind of motion. At last a well-known Dunedin commercial traveller moved a hearty vote of thanks to Mr Bitchener for his address and confidence in him as the parliamentary representative of the Waitaki electorate. The motion was seconded by Mr \V. Helm, and carried unanimously. AN AMUSING MEETING. OVATION FOR PRIME MINISTER. SOME HOSTILITY TO MR BELL. (Fbom Otjr Special Correspondent.) OHAEAWAI, October 19. After a day’s hard travelling across the island, the Prime Minister arrived at Ohaeawai to-night, and found that the electors had rolled up from all parts of the district to hear him. The hall was packed, and Mr Coates was accorded a reception which indicated that his visit here is likely to have a considerable effect on the result of the election in this, the northernmost electorate in the Dominion. Five candidates -are in the field —namely, Mr Allen Bell, who represented, the electorate in the last Parliament, and stands in the interests of the Reform Party, Mr A. E. Bissett (Labour), Mr R. E. Hornblow (Liberal), Mr H. J. Sweeney (Country Party), and Mr R. T. Wrathall (Nationalist). From this it will be seen that the situation here is unusually interesting, but the indications are that Mr Bell wm be returned.

The chairman at the meeting, in introducing Mr Coates, hit on one of the Prime Minister's strong points—his ability to grapple in a practical manner with big and critical situations and to get things done. "You have onlv to think back to the last three strikes," said the chairman, "and you will recollect that he .handled them in a manner which reflects high credit on him, and marks him as the man' to lead the country." "It was said when the Massey Government came into power that it was a ease of good-bye to all the good Liberal legislation," Mr Coates remarked. That legislation, however, had. not been taken off the Statute Book, but on the other hand that legislation had been extended and altered to meet the changing circumstances. "If you think without political prejudice you must come to - the conclusion that we have endeavoured to meet broadly the necessities of the country, and all the people who live in- it." A Voice: Pretty hard times too. Mr Ooates: Quite, true, but our first consideration had to be the country. The Prime Minister concluded by pointing out that if he were to be given a chance, as a young New Zealander, to carry out his policy, the electors would need to support the candidates who supported him. The electors he addressing were concerned with both Mr Tau Henare and Mr Allen Bell. Mr Henare had proved his loyalty. Mr Bell had served the country well in the last three years, and hid stuck .to it loyally. Mr Coates resumed his seat amidst arinlause [and cheering which lasted for some time. "Let us do it a bit better," someone called,.and they had the cheering all over again as heartily a.? before. Then the meeting rose to its feet and sang "For He's a Jolly Good Fellow," and cheered again. It is doubtful if more genuine enthusiasm for the Prime Minister has been encountered on the tour. Mr Allen Bell briefly addressed the audience, which included some strong opponents of his. He announced himself as a straightout supporter of Mr Coates. One of the audience moved a rote of thanks to the Prime Minister for his address and of confidence in the Government and Mr Sweeney, the Country Party candidate. The chair did not accept this motion. A schoolmaster who was far from taciturn proceeded with a harangue in which he declared that he had served for two years at the war. "Did you get hit in the head?'' someone asked, and with this, and a very thorough counting the orator subsided, and cheers were given for Mr Bell. Mr Tau Henare was called on to speak, and when he came forward there was a great demonstration in his favour. "T will remind you," he said, "that in 1914 I was elected as an Independent. I gave you two guesses in 1915. I had one guess, and it was in favour of Mr Massey. Now you will a'l go away and vote for Mr Allen Bell and Tau Henare.'' —(Roars of laughter and much applause.) The Prime Minister: He has scored a try, and I hope he will convert it soon. The meeting ended with a vote of thanks and confidence to the Prime Minister. ANGRY ELECTORS. SCENE AT POLITICAL MEETING. LABOUR LEADER "COUNTED OUT." (From Our Own Correspondent.) AUCKLAND, October 20. Seldom is such an angry scene witnessed at a political meeting as that at the conclusion of Mr J. S. Dickson's address at Rcnmera last night. The gathering had been a good-hunioure-1 one despite.a number of quizzical interjections, but following on the moving of a vote of thanks to, and confidence in, the candidate, and an amendment to delete the word "confidence,"' Mr Bloodworth, a well-known Labour leader, made an unfortunate remark which brought a veritable hornets' nest about, his ears. The amendment read: "That whilst offering Mr Dickson a hearty vote of thanks we have absolutely no confidence in him as the member for Parnell or In any member of the Reform Party. Mr Bloodworth male a short speech, and in the course of his remarks ho said: •'Almost the supporters of the Reform Party have gone to the extent of suggesting, if not saying, that it was somewhat of an act. of providence that Mr Massey was removed from the party's platform in order to make room for Mr Gordon Coates." Immediately following this utterance (here was a scene of wild disorder. People rose to their feet and yelled, jeered, and hooted at. the speaker. There were cries of "Shame," "Out," "Coward," and frantic appeals to the chair. "You ought to be ashajned of yourself," called the chairman. Mr J. B. Paterson, to Mr Bloodworth. Owing to the din. however, Mr Bloodworth did not hear. 110 attempted to continue speaking, only to he wildly howled and stamped at. The candidate attempted to rise, but was held back by the chairman. There was a lull in the din when a voice called to Mr Bloodworth: "You miserable coward." This was the signal for a renewed outburst of hooting, stamping, and wild howls of anger, plentifully interspersed with epithets. When the noise had somewhat subsided the chairman advanced to the front of the platform. "I cannot allow a statement like that, to go without challenge," he said.—(Loud cheers, followed by a renewed hooting of Mr Bloodworth. Mr Bloodworth nitempted to speak, but his voice was drowne:! in a furious stamping of feet and shouting, after which the audience "counted him out." "That gentleman on the platform has abused a privilege," shouted an elector, hoarse with anger. "X ask him to stand down without saying another word."— (Cheers.) "If necessary, I move that he come down now." Amid a further outburst of hooting Mr Bloodworth, with a deprecatory gesture, descended the steps "If that is a sample of Labour's intentions, I say do.rV7i with turn," cried an

elector who had previously spoken.— (Cheers.) The amendment was then put, only two hands going up in favour, while a sea of hands carried the motion amid great checrcheering.