THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1923. BRITISH POLITICS.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 19019, 15 November 1923, Page 6

THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1923. BRITISH POLITICS.

In the merry month of May just twenty years ago the people of Britain were presented with a staggering picture of decadent industry, and for some time afterwards Mr Joseph Chamberlain became the chief prophet of woe and the apostle of Protection as the only political remedy to change adversity into universal prosperity. The issue raised by Mr Chamberlain surprised friend and opponent, ami in many material respects the position created by the attitude of Mr Baldwin towards Protection is identical with that which aroused the British electors two decades ago. Mr Bonar Law promised a policy of tranquillity when before the country less than a year ago, and Mr Baldwin, in the role of successor, was understood to keep the faith. Mow, however, everything political is in the melting pot, and only the courageous prophet would pretend to announce

the result before election day. Of Mr Baldwin’s courage there can be iio'two opinions, but of his judgment in forcing the present issue there will he many. Already he has been accused of wantonly raising an issue which can only add confusion to a difficult economic situation, but it is quite apparent that the demand of the dominions for effective preference finally decided the Prime Minister’s course. This, however, was an issue in the previous campaign, but the difficulties of its application were realised, and the British electors refused to believe that the attachment of the colonics to the Empire depended upon the material tie. The complexities involved in effective preference proved then to be insurmountable, and they have not since been reduced. In broad outline they appear simple enough—make the Empire self-contained and general prosperity will be ensured to all. But any preference which does not give Increased prices to the products of the dominions will not be valued by them, and so far as increased prices are obtained so will the cost of living be increased in Britain. This in turn will increase the cost of production, and destroy Britain’s chances of success in the world’s markets. The dominions cannot absorb the manufactured products of Britain, but if preference is to be accorded to the dominions then surely the dominions must in turn give an effective preference to the Motherland. This cannot be done by placing an effective tariff barrier against British manufactures, even if the Customs duty be much lower than that charged on foreign products. Manufacturers will not kindly accept a situation which benefits the primary producer and retards the development of loeal industries, yet if the dominions are to become the chief customers of Britain the development of manufactures overseas must in some measure be retarded. In the earlier stages of the old campaign Mr Chamberlain asked the colonies to buy British goods, leaving production as far as possible to British manufacturers. Past efforts at reciprocal tariffmaking have shown that the task is almost a hopeless one, but with a policy of effective preference to be put into effective terms those past efforts will pale into insignificance in the magnitude of the task of framing an Imperial preferential tariff. Each dominion will endeavour to obtain the maximum possible advantage. Queensland, for instance, has started cotton-growing, and would naturally expect preferential treatment by Britain. What effect, it may be asked, would that have on the cotton-weaving industry in Britain. The problem is almost bewildering in its immensity, and the announcement of Mr Baldwin’s detailed proposals will be awaited with the keenest anticipation. Almost twelve months ago the Conservative Party came into power eschewing rash experiments, and its decision to go to the country on issues which have previously wrecked parties may be a very splendid example of courage, but events may show that is not good political war.