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EMPIRE AFFAIRS.

PROTECTIONIST POLICY. MR BALDWIN’S CHALLENGE. ACCEPTED BY LABOUR. UNCOMPROMISING HOSTILITY. Press Association—Br Vskeraph —Copyright LONDON, November 1. (Received Nov. 2, at 5-5 p.m.) Mr Ramsay MacDonald, at a luncheon which was tendered him by his Labour colleagues, said that the most important event since he went to the Levant was Mr Baldwin’s change of battle tactics. He was uncertain what Mr Baldwin meant; — how far it was Mr Baldwin’s own or the Cabinet’s new policy. Had Mr Baldwin nailed the Protectionist flag to the masthead or was it only half-mast high? Was it to be out and out Protection or were the points of that policy merely carefully selected,—not to save the country, out give the Tories a good election cry? The unemployment evil in Britain, continued Mr MacDonald, had lasted for four years, but the Conservatives had not previously suggested protection as a remedy. Mr Baldwin was like some of the Labourites who, when they could not see a way out of their troubles, declared a general strike. Protection was not the cure lor unemployment; it was merely a diversion. It was a hollow and ineffective pro-, position,—a magnificent method of sidetracking a serious problem 1 The coming fight was not Protection versus I* ree Trade, but Protection versus the Labour policy. On the whole he favoured the open" market, but even if they had Protection there would still be all the problems centring around the Labour programme. The present state of unemployment was only remediable by the reparations policy which -Labour had advocated for four years. Labour aimed at vhe development of Britain and the protection of our own market. Referring to migration Mr MacDonald said that if the dominions only took our skilled men and women they would weaken instead of strengthen our vital industries. Mr Arthur Henderson, M.P., speaking at Acton, said that it was a , tragic mockery for Mr Baldwin to propose Protection" as a solution of unemployment. Protection was offered skilfully associated with the promise of social reform. The latter was the sugar coating of the Protectionist pill. The protection afforded the workers by the trades unions was not a parallel to "the protection of markets and industries. The Labour policy aimed at the establishment of equal standards in all industrial countries, international peace, and reconstruction. Mr Henderson added that the fundamental reorganisation of industry was required before the causes of unemployment inherent in the present system of production for profit could be removed. Labour put these matters forward as a constructive alternative to a protective tariff. Imperial preference, and Stateaided migration.—A. and N.Z. Cable. LABOUR’S OFFICIAL REPLY. WAR DECLARED ON PROTECTION. LONDON, November 1. (Received Nov. 2, at 7.50 p.m.) Labour’s considered reply to Mr Baldwin lias been issued in the form of a resolution which was adopted by a joint meeting of the General Council of the Trades Union Congress and the Labour Party. The resolution calls on tire members,of all Labour organisations to resist to the utmost the specious arguments of Protection, and to press upon the electorate Labour’s policy of work and wages with the provision "and adequate maintenance of reserves of industry to be secured by international reconstruction and co-opera-tion, national reorganisation, and the de : velopment and putting into operation of Labour’s general programme to meet the crying social and economic ills as the only real alternative to Protection.—Reuter. MR BALDWIN’S PROPOSALS. PREPARATION PROCEEDING. LONDON, November 2. (Received Nov. 2, at 10 p.m.) Arrangements -have been completed for Mr Baldwin’s two speeches at Manchester to-day. The huge Free Trade Hall could have been filled five times over. Mr Baldwin is expected to review the question of Empire cotton production. He said at Swansea that he was having details of his tariff proposals carefully and thoroughly examined. The Morning Pest says that this work is progressing and the committee of Ministers will soon be in possession of the details for the protection of the Home manufactures.—A. and N.Z. Cable. STATUS OF INDIANS. TEXT OF THE SPEECHES. \ ' DR SAPRU’S POWERFUL APPEAL. LONDON, November 1. (Received Nov. 2, at 5.5 p.m.) The text of the speeches at the Imperial Conference on the status of Indians in the Empire has been issued. Viscount Peel (Secretary of State for India) emphasised that a solution of the problem was essential for the preservation of the unity of the Empire. Opinion in India was completely unanimous _ regarding the matter because the Indians regarded the disability under which their countrymen laboured elsewhere an the world "as a brand of social inferiority. Viscount Peel recalled the fact that India had contributed 1.400,000 men and over £200,000,000 for war purposes. India was sittinc at the Imperial Conference on equal terms with the dominions, and was accepted by the League of Nations as one of the eight greatest industrial States, in the world. It was the intention and ambition of Indians to share in the glories of the British Empire. If the opinion of India were disregarded how could India be expected to co-operate whole-heartedly in the great work of consolidating the Empire? The scope of the problem apart from South Africa was not very great. There were only 2000 Indians in Australia, 600 in New Zealand, and 1200 in British Columbia. Viscount Peel reaffirmed what was stated at the Conference in 1921 m regard to India’s complete acceptance of the dominions’ right to determine the composition of their own community. He urged the dominions to consider the matter generously. Justice and expediency were combined in the appeal which was surely irresistible. The time had come when" these disabilities should be specifically removed. Dr" Sapru said he was fighting in the causa of his country. As a subject of tbe King be was fighting for a place in the King’s household, —not for a place in his stables. Indian allegiance to the Throne was a real and living thing, and if that allegiance was shaken the foundations of the fabric of the Empire would be shaken with consequences which it was difficult to over-estimate. The one function of the Imperial Conference was to bring about a good understanding between the units of Empire, to strengthen its ties and to unite them. If the Conference failed to achieve that then it failed to justify its existence. Indians and the Indian Government had received the Kenya decision with the utmost dismay, and he felt that a serious blunder Had been made. The Indian Government would not accept tbo decision as final.

There were about 1,500,000 Indians settled elsewhere in the Empire, and they were subjected in many places to grave political and economic disabilities. He paid a tribute to the Government of New Zealand for treating Indians on a footing of equality so that Indians could live there as fellow-citizens, and in honour he appealed to Mr Bruce to co-operate in a method for removing the disabilities suffered by Indians in Australia. His most difficult task was booth Africa, where lot,ooo Indians suffered severe economic handicaps. Regarding the mandated territories he declared that India, could not acquiesce in any position which would make the status of Indians inferior to what it was when the Germans administered the territories. There was a growing sentiment in India against emigration. They did not want the nation outside India to appear as a nation of coolies. There was plenty of scope for the Indians in India and therefore in that connection the dominions need have no fear. India was absolutely unable to acquiesce in the present position, and he earnestly appealed to the dominions to join in devising methods to give effect to the principles which were embodied in the resolution. Dr Sapra has outlined a proposal that the dominion and British Governments should appoint a committee to confer with a committee appointed by the Indian Government along the lines of the formulse agreed to by the Duke of Devonshire. He explained that he wanted a committee appointed by each dominion to confer with India’s committee, i'his would give time for the angry passions in India to calm down and would enable all concerned to consider a solution ot the problem and absolutely safeguard the independence of the dominions. no specially appealed to General Smuts to help to raise the status of Indians in South Africa. If the problem there were allowed to fester much longer it would become a question of foreign _ policy of feuch gravity that the unity of the Empire might founder irretrievably thereon. Mr Bruce, speaking at the Conference on the Indian status question, said that the 1921 resolution was concurred in by the Australian representatives. The subject had been one of' considerable public discussion in Australia, and men of every (shade of political thought there had shown sympathy with the claim that legally domiciled Indians should enjoy full citizenship rights. As, however, the question had not figured on the Conference’s preliminary agenda lie had not had an opportunity of consulting colleagues. At the same time he believed that Australian public opinion was ready to welcome, as far as domiciled Indians were concerned, any measure which was conceded to he in the interests of the Empire. It was not a question of admitting fresh Indians. That would be contrary to the fundamen-. tal principles animating the people of Australia, and must govern the policy 'of anv Australian Government. Nor did he understand that there was any shadow of a suggestion that the Indian Government desired to emigrate Indians to'Australia, but it was simply a question of satisfying the legitimate aspirations of the few Indians who were already lawfully domiciled there. He paid a tribute to India’s war efforts which had won for ner a new status. The opposition to any Asiatic emigration rested on a clear and cogent economic consideration and not on any feelings against race or colour. For that reason the Commonwealth Parliament had prohibited Indians and Asiatic settlers. Under Australia’s special circumstances, therefore, he thought it was unnecessary for India to send a special Committee of Inquiry. He would consult his colleagues on what action should be taken. Mr Massey said that New Zealand gave the Indians in New Zealand practically the same privileges as those enjoyed by the Anglo-Saxons settled there. Any objection which had ever been raised to Indians going to New Zealand was on economic grounds such as Mr Brace had indicated. They should do everything necessary to make the natives of India feel they desired to treat them with justice. Mr Sastri, during his visit to New Zealand, load said that he had practically no fault to find in regard to the treatment of Indians.—A. and N.Z. and Reuter Cables TERMS OF THE FORMULA. OPENING OF A CLOSED DOOR. LONDON, November 1. Dr Sapru, interviewed, said that the formula arrived at is that advancement for India does not mean the immediate reversal of the Kenya decision, but that the door which is now closed will be opened. , “Without being unduly optimistic,’’ he said, “I look forward to a better future for Indians in Empire citizenship. Certainly, only General Smuts stands in the way. The other Prime Ministers are with India.” The conference endorsed the 1921 resolution, and Mr Baldwin read out the following formula, which was agreed upon between the Duke of Devonshire and Dr Sapru: “The British Government cordially accepted Dr Sapru s proposal that there should be full consultation and discussion between the Secretary of State for the Colonies and a committee appointed by the Government of India upon all questions affecting British Indians domi--1 ciled in British colonies, protectorates, and mapdated territories. At the same time, the Duke of Devonshire was careful to explain that before any decision is taken as a result of the discussions with the committee consultations with the local and colonial Governments concerned would be necessary.” The rest of the formula was summed up in the Duke of Devonshire’s statement on the position at Kenya.—A. and N.Z. Cable. MR MASSEY’S ACTIVITIES. LONDON PRESS TRIBUTES. “A VERY DOWNRIGHT MAN.” LONDON, November 1. Mr Massey has placed before the Imperial Conference New Zealand’s claim to preference on apples. The matter is under consideration. In connection with the visit of the cruiser squadron, Mr Massey consulted the Admiralty to-day. He is endeavouring to arrange the details of the programme. Dealing editorially with the question of mail services, The Times urges Britain to give all the help in its power to render them more satisfactory. The paper compares Mr Massey’s rapid trip to England with the length of the mail journeys, which is greater than it was 25 years ago. Regarding penny postage, The Times says: “Mr Massey is of opinion that the British authorities are far too pessimistic as to the effects of the institution of universal penny postage within the Empire.” The Times expresses the opinion that many people in Britain are of the same way of thinking.

The Evening News says that Mr Massey is a prime favourite amongst the Prime Ministers at the conference. He has truly voiced New Zealand’s patriotism in his offers of help towards national deThe Saturday Review says that, though nothing has been said to break the secrecy of the conference deliberations, Air Massey, who is a very downright man, Pas been drawing attention to the pressing necessity wbich exists in the opinion of New Zealand and Australia for a considerable increase in the fleet and in the air service in the interests of the security of the Empire, particularly in the Pacific. The paper adds: “To him it is clearas it always lias been to us—that the much-belauded Washington Treaties do not give anything like adequate protection to British interests in the Pacific.” CONFERENCE PROGRESS. THE WORK WELL ADVANCED. LONDON, November 1. It is officially stated that the conferences are endeavouring to conclude before the meeting of Parliament on November 13. Mr R. V. Wilson (Australia), interviewed, said that both the conferences had already disposed in principle of a majority ot the subjects included in the agenda. The work of translating these opinions into practical form had been remitted to about a dozen committees, including many experts from both Britain and the dominions. Mr Wilson is a member of eight committees, including one dealing with reciprocity in the enforcement of judgments and arbitration t awards throughout the Empire, subject to local conditions in the dominions. States, and provinces, which have it entirely within their discretion whether they will sanction the enforcement of decisions and awards made in the other dominions, States, and provinces regarding workmen’s compensation for the purpose of securing uniformity. This principally has reference to maritime labour. It is understood that Mr Wilson found himself in a minority of one on the committee which deals with food and raw materials when he endeavoured to secure the adoption of Air Bruce’s policy for licensing imports; but he withdrew his opposition in accordance with a general understanding that there should be no minority reports.—A. and N.Z. Cable. AIR BONAR LAW’S DEATH. RESOLUTION OF SYMPATHY. LONDON, November 1. The Imperial Conference adopted a resolution expressing profound regret at the death of Air Bonar Law, and deep sympathy in the irreparable loss which his farmily and the Empire have suffered.— Reuter.

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Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 19009, 3 November 1923, Page 9

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2,538

EMPIRE AFFAIRS. Otago Daily Times, Issue 19009, 3 November 1923, Page 9

EMPIRE AFFAIRS. Otago Daily Times, Issue 19009, 3 November 1923, Page 9