WILL LLOYD GEORGE WIN THROUGH?

Otago Daily Times, Issue 18074, 23 October 1920, Page 2

WILL LLOYD GEORGE WIN THROUGH?

CONTRASTING VIEWS AND CONFLICTING- OPINIONS.

By Constant Readeb

Amid tho chaos, confusion, and controversy of the present time, the voice of one man sounds clear and strong abovu tho tumult. Towering.. high above the multitude ol mediocrities by whom ho is surrounded, i one figure is plainly discernible. His policy may bo critioiscd and his modo of action be open to question; Ids opinions may excite the most strenuous opposition or inspire tho loudest laudation, but it can scarcely bo denied that as a loader of men in a weJl-aigh leadcrlesa world Mr Lloyd George stands supreme. Aa with tho passing of difficult days, weeks of worry und months of menace, the clouds darken above his head and the pitfalls in his path grow tliioker and deeper, the question ;s asked again and again, "Will Lloyd George win through ?" The papers are prophesying- his downfall, his political foes are ceaselcss in their endeavours to trip him u p; and a growing section of tho rank and file of Labour regard him aa «i obstacle in their path. As if the complexity of the international situation was not sufficient to harass him, the Irish turmoil has come to further perplex him, and to-day he is called upon to face the miners' strike -with an enormous unemployment agitation in the background and the prospect of being forced to go to the country for a fresh mandate. What is in store for the Prime Minister, no man may accurately foretell; it is, at least, helpful to try the future by tho record of the past and so endeavour to reach a safe conclusion. In which endeavour Mr Harold Spender's volume should prove of considerable assistance.

The fault of Mr Spender's study is an over-indulgence in eulogy; it is tho tributo of an ardent admirer who can see no spots in the sun. Hie keynote. of Mr Lloyd George's dbai'acter is deck-red to be a " note of daring, of refusal to accept defeat, of assertive invincibility." "In every study of David Lloyd George," exclaims Mr Spender, "it pursues yo<u everywhere and all the time"; which leadg up to the following comment:— There never -was a time in human. hi&tory when such a quality was more needed. Frowning heights he behind and in front of us—roaring cataracts of catasK tvophe—gleaming peaks of suffering and sacrifice—frozen glaciers of death, seamed and creyas3ed with agony. May he help us to win through ! The main outline of the life of Ml- Lloyd George is sufficiently well known, and especially in the earlier chapters of this book Mr Spender traverses familiar ground, to which, however, an occasional comment loads an air of freshness. Ag sample of t&e character of these comments th© following may be cited :— The training of a little Welsh Nonconformist child in a village church school must lead either to submission or to revolt In most cases it leads to submission. In this case it led to revolt. That is what makes the story of David Lloyd George worth telling. It was soon clear that the power of speech was with him a very special gift, and he threw into it a great deal,of caro and industry. Men at Portmadoc will still describe how he could be seen walking along the high road gesticulating as lie practised his speeches; and fhero asl no doubt that at this moment of his lifo'-he already had some dim perception that he possessed the magio gift of oratory; The House of Commons had not yet had any taste of- Mr Lloyd George's rebellion humours. ... It came on August- 13, 18S0, when he let himself go with a. .touch of his native daring on some of- the items in the Estimates. V- . ." . It was for this that he had como to Westminster; not for the conventional party speeches, but for plain, homolv utterances on the pomps and conventions and extravagances of the great world. Hore we get tho first hint of his mission—a difficult and even cruel mission—to tell the comfortable and •wealthy that they were living on the poor—to tell the decorative that they must be decorativo no longer, but must either be useful or come down from their high places. Daring those years (1896-7) it was he who checked the Tory ascendancy; and it was largely owing to his vigour and vehemence that in 1897-8 the tide began to turn in the country, the by-elections began to go against the Government— :a landslide that was only stopped by the outbreak of the South African war in 1897. Whatever men might think of his views, no one could deny his courage. It was no easy campaign to_ conduot. The charge of treason was always in the air. "Do you wish tho Boers to win?" .shouted a heckler after one of his most "eloquent defences of the Dutch ■ Republic; He was silent for a npment, then he said slowly and impressively: "God defend the right!" During these years David Lloyd George had been all the time steadily adding to his reputation as a speaker and debater both in the House of Commons' and in the country. There, after all, we always come back to his. supreme political weapon—the power of public sDoech. Born in these village debates within the bootmaker's shop and the smithy at Llanystumdwy, that power had been s&arjwned and developed on the village greens and in the town halls of Wales, trained to finer uses on the public plat'fonns of ' England, and quickened by the quick thrust and parry in parliamentary debate. It had passed through the fire of stern oombat during the South African struggle, and how, it had emerged in swift, keen sword of oombat, at once supplo and strong. . It was not in lawmaking ,so much as in administration that he was destined to make his highest reputation at the Boaj'd of Trade. ... It was the late autumn of 1907 that there came to him the great test of the threatened Railyway Strike. Mr Lloyd George swifly acted for the nation. With no power to enforce liis summons, he boldly called directors and men to the Board of Trade to discuss the situation- There he held them for day**, pi olonging the disoussion by every resource of persuasion until the moods of both parties were cooled to a more reasonable temperature. Then he made his proposal—the famous Conciliation Boards— and ho won both parties to agreement. What is it that has made Mr Lloyd Georgo so great a conciliator? It is not moroly his power of using speech for purposes of persuasion. " Speakers attack too much," he often used to say. "They ought to aim at persuasion." That has always bsen his own central aim in the use of speech. There is also in him an even greater power, the power of making the conflicting parties seo one another's point of view. . . It was such beliefs and perceptions that have often made him. persevere in peace-making when all others have given up hope. Mr Spender touches reoont history when ho details Mr Lloyd George's work in connection with the Budget of 1908, and the victory of tho first 1010 general election tinning on the question of tho Reform of the House of Lords. In 1911 came the

famous Insurance Bill, and in 1912 the Irish crisis loomed nearer. Then cam© £he Marconi scandals, swiftly followed by the catastrophe of world war. Of his work as Minister of Munitions Mr Spender writes: When all is said and done tho man who did the deed was Mr Iloyd George. Without has resolution and decision England would have fared badly in that dark hour. It was be who designed, directed, and completed this noble and stupendous endeavour. It was he who carried it through. It was be who. when others failed, armed and strengthened oca: armies. It is scarcely too much to say that it was he who, under Providortco, saved England. Perhaps the most interesting chapter in Mr Spender's book 33 that entitled "Premiership." wherein is narrated the precise circumstances under which Mr Lloyd George superseded Mr'Asqiritii as head of the Government. The subsequent chapters carry tho headings—"The Saving of Italy (1917)," "The Versailles Council (1917-18)," "Victory (1318)." "The Poaoo Conference (1919)," and "The New World," wmdinsr u p with a dissertation cm "The Man." There is appended a number of opinions extracted from forcrrai newspapors, of which tho most characteristic is extracted from tho Journal do Geneve of May 15, 1917:— Mr Lioyd George haa been called "the Prime Minister orf Europe." Thcro is troth in that utieranco. Of all the statesmen who exercise to-drty oil influence over

tho destinies of the -world, Mr Lloyd George is the most attractive, the most personal, tho most wilful, the most audacious. • More than all tho others, ho sees tho future and prepares for it. He has two talents whioh complete his outfit. lie knows how to will and he knows how to speak. After tho glowing atmoqihoro of Mr Spenders '"The Prime Minister''' it is like a cold douche to experience the creel and pitiluss climate of "How Thoy Did It." Under this title Mr Gerald Donovan, author of a clevor story of Irish life eailod "Father Ralph," has written a savaye satire on tlvo later days of the war. The story is dedicated "To the many doad and living who have saved the world in apology for the defects of a lew." in no sense can Mr Lloyd George l>e accounted directly responsible lor much that is set dcrwn in the book, yet if Mr Donovan's picturo be accepted as a true reflection of army administration and Governmental bungling, muddledom, extravagance, and corruption, neither can tho Prime Minister be held entirely guiltless. In any oaso tho story constitutes a remarkable record which should engage the attention of ;.ll thoughtful men. Readers who require to bo merely anrnsed and who dislike being made to think are recommended to steer clear of "How They Did It," and probably they will bo in the majority. But the minority who seek to -understand why tho groat war has loft tho world in so unsatisfactory and unsettled a ooodifckxn may be inoltned to give heed to Mr Donovan's narrative, even although, to make points and to heighten the effect th© novelist has consciously or unconsciously exaggerated the actual situation. Even so ho has only followed so illustrious an example as that of Charles Dickens, say, in his description of the circumlocution office. Whan "Richard Dehan" in the 'years before the great war scathingly pictured. tho scandals and corruptions of iibe Crimean campaign, it was n-ene-rall.v conceded that such, things were part of an obsolete past; the like could never happen again. If what Mr Donovan writes approximates in any degree to the truth the scandals and corruptions of the Crimean war were as nothing to those perpetrated and permitted in the conflict of 1914-1918. The design of_ ' How They Did It" is effectively conoeived and cleverly worked out. In the dark days of the war a party of men are seen dining: together, a typical group, representative of the universities, the literary world, the civil service, and '.he like. Some are intent on going to the front despite health, ago. and responsibilities, others are sheltering behind "cushy" jobs or frankly engaged in bettering their positions or adding to their bank balances out of the opportunities afford by war conditions. There are also some women in the piece. A brief interval ensues, during which sorno of th© men are dead, others wounded, and vet others have achieved their ambitions of official advancement and material wealth. Second-lieutenant David Grant has suffered sixteen or seventeen wounds, but the skill of doctors and the care of nurses had " reduced them to three for all practical purposes." These three included the loss of his left forearm, a lump ill his right lung-, and a bit of high explosive shell in one of his lungs. Grant invalided home, seeks opportunity to still do his bit in winning the war. And it is through his eyes and the comments of his friend Stanhope—a brilliant literateiir blinded as the result of service at the front —that the reader is given ah inside view of Government under war conditions. _ " Remember the conditions," Stanhope said dryly when G-rant was explaining the difficulty he was experiencing hi getting a suitable job. "Most: of the decent men are at tho Front, or dead. All the rotters are at heme; There are decent men, here, too. of course, for one good reason or auother—you'll jneet a few in every office—but you'll come across more of the other sort." A-prominent example of tho " other sort," familiarly known as " Freddy," is Major Talbot. Jennings, n.nd who is on ttto point of promotion to Briga-dier-general:—

Freddy is one of our • new types—a shirker in khfiki. His solo military career is between his tailor -and himself. He's graded Al, I believe, so he took the necessary precautions. He's a sort of tout of Be el by's, and has never been in any ■ joh" that ever had the pretence of being military. He put on the triform at first merely as a protective, colouring, but he has now got military ambitions—in clothes. He began three months ago as" a second-lieutenant. In a fortnight he was a jr>lain captain. In six weeks a captain with tabs. He's been a major for at least a month, and it's about time he got his step. He bids fair to be our youngest major-general. He intends it. I'm . told, and I've no . doubt he'll do it. Fi-eddy is one of our great men. ■■■ ■ Beelby is one of the great characters in the book; that is to say while he never comes directly ■ into the story his influence is all pervasive. He has "a hundred wires, all connected with the war, in his hands." "Parliament is played out—at least for the war. The press is the thing now. Beelby has his eyes on a few more papers. With millions behind him, Beelby can snap his fingers at any Government regulations. He can make the people believe what he wills, and put in a«d put out Ministers. and even governments if necessary. It all has its use in business too. There are no flies on Beelby." Beelby. began his war carcer as "Controller of Co-ordination." After seven months .of this service, he was promoted to be " Minister • for Inspiring Confidence—in the Government —that is, of course, in the Country,." or, according to another version "in Beelby." Beelby was a genius at choosing a staff. "Get experts," he said, "and we'll win the trick." Beelby had nothing but contempt for those fellows in the Government who wasted their time at universities, though he recognises that one has to talk to them on their own level. But to waste time in working out a question when one can buy it 7>otted like oxo is sheer lunacy in these days. 'Get mo live wires that I can keep on tap ' is how he sums it up." "With his money and his influence he can carry things through. He puts a pistol to the head of a Ministermetaphorically, of course, and down he goes flat." ' Freddy's version of the situation is at complete variance'with that given hyßramt.ree of the Treasury, one of the few " decent men " left in the civil service,' and who, " sick of tho cant of being useful at home," writes himself down a shirker if not actually a coward:— ' In response to David Grant's question " How a.ro things going over here." Braintree gloomily replies:— "Badly. The people will see tho war through—there's no doubt about that. You can always depend on our people in a crisis. The worst of it is that tho charlatans play on this feeling. A small group havo elected themselves loaders They nobble all the help they want with honours, or place, or a snug dug-out from which to evade military service. The press is either strangled or bought. Tho people's hearts are sot on winning the war, yet they are not allowed to know what js going on. Criticism is dead. The sole test of leadership now is that a man should be incapable of an intellectual conoept. Th© big drum is banged as in a booth at a fair. Th© showman shouts through his big gramaphone of a controlled press, 1 am the man. I am the saviour of my countrv; trust me. I will get you victory,' and all the minor place men beslobber their chief with praise and shout in turn, He is the man—!lie is the only saviour.' Then tho mob shouts, 'He is the man.' The chief leaving tested tho great heart of the nation _and found it sound, sn.ys complacentTy, 'Let's get on with the war,' and he promotes the jackals who have been loudest in his praise to somo snugger jobs and go« 3 and plays golf or pays a visit to tile Front.

Grant sums up the situation concisely enough when he rejoins: "War is always th c same. Decent men act decently—in some it may develop a good quality that otherwise might Ikivo remained latent Rut it never yet turned a knave into a dccent- man. It may make a decent man more decent, at least superficially,' but it will certainly make small knaves into big knaves and big knaves into monsters because of its almost indefinite opportunities." Thero is much more of the same sort but against this unpleasant background is placed a capital story which can scarcdy fail to interest the reader, unless, indeed he has conceived a distaste for all stories which introduce the war in some of its most detestable and disagreeable phases. The contrast and conflict between Mr Spender's glowing eulogy and Mr O'Donovan'B scathing criticism is most remarkable, and will incline tnie unbiassed <ind impartial reader to.the belief &a± truth lies somewhere midway between tLx> two extremes.