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COMMERCIAL.

COMPANIES RSEGISTEREiD. The Mercantile, Gazette contains notice of the (registration of the following companies in Otago: Shag Point Coal Mining Co., Ltd. Registered October 20, 1318. Office: W. E. C. Reid, Moray place, Dunedin. Capital. £12,000, into 12,000 shares of £1 eacih. Subscribers: Christohuroh —Thomas Brown; Port Chalmers —J. M. Stevenson; Dunedin—James Brown, J. H. Stewart, A. Howarth, J. Wateon, A. E. Usshcrwood—all 1 sharp each. Objects: To acquire and' carry on business of coal miners, etc., now carried on by J. E. Twining, T. D. Twining, and John "Wayson at Slwig Point.—Moore, Moore, and Niclioi. Sherwood Coal Mining Co., Ltd. Registered November 1, 1918. Office: . Capital: £40,000, into 40,000 shares of £1 each. Subscribers: Dunedin—A. R. AyEon, F l . PaTker, S. Browman, James Allan, X. T. Sullivan, A. B. Ussherwood; Port Chalmers— R. E. Miller—all 10 shares each. Objects: To (acquire and carry on business of coal miners lately carried on by W. 3. Morris and T. Learmont at Reefton.—-Tod kinson and Wood.

Guthrie, Bowron and Co., Ltd. Registered as a private company November 28, 1918. OfEce: 426 Moray place, Dunedin. Capital: £20,000, into 20,000 shares of £1 each. Subscribers: Dunedin—EL J. Guthrie 8344, G. \V. Bowron 7182, H. D. Guthrie 4474. Objects: To acquire and carry on business lately carried on at Dunedin, Wellington, and Auckland under style of Guthrie, Bowron and Co.—Moore, Moore, and Nichol. J. and T. Christie, Ltd. Registered as a private company December 5, 1918. Office: Dunedin. Capital: £8000, into 8000 shares of £1 each. Subscribers: Dunedin: J. Christie 6000, I. Duncan 1000, J. R. Rodger-eon-1000. Objects: To acquire and carry on business of plumbers, etc, lately carried on at Dunedin by J. and T. and Brugh. ■«•» . MSW ZEALAND -FT,AX. The following is from the lost available issue of the Australasian (Melbourne): " The Minister of Agriculture (Mr Oman), in response to inquiries, has received a cable message from Jiew Zealand stating that the amount of flex grown artificially in that country is limited to approximately 60 acres. JNone has been planted during the war period, despite the high prices that have been offered for iW Zealand flax fibre. It is officially slated that, in view of the very limited extent to. which the flax' is artificially cultivated m New Zealand, it is unlikely that tie Victorian Ministry will agree to assist its introduction here."

,•■ SINN FEINISM IN IRELAND. to xtttt Burro*. Sib, —You do hoc show very clearly wiry the £»inn .fe'ein policy, oased ou tie piiacipi« uiat ••goveiiLUiejn must be camea out witn tun consent 01 too governed," snouid be fcuudhiiii wjO. iouuo not even aenouuce iiooors, ijeoil, wno unauipiouctl mat puncipio m lus speeca. at tao ndansion House rase year. j-ou do iiot eveu denounce sax jiugnes ior aavocacung u, cdnn ijeia policy lor Australia .last wotic. )iou nave never attempted to snow wny Ireland as not as uiucu entitled to freedom as Australia, nor wily it is treasonable lor the irisn to govern themselves, ana penectly legal ior uie Australians to do the same unng. ' lou cannot Ueny tliat lingiish government m iceiaud has lulled miseiaoiy and completely, it lias not only ianed to be just, but id nas failed even to snow a desire to be just. Let us consider what Ireland has gained by supporting Mr Reamond' and liis party 01 West iintons at Westminster. She is outrageously overtaxed, she has an education system the chief object of widen is to denationalise tuo peopie, and her language is proscribed. iier farmers are' induced by Government bribes, termed bonuses, to breed cattle in the interests of English manufacturers. The non-elective boards are manned by English nominees whose interests are directly opposed to those of the people. Her industries, prohibited by Act of Parliament in the reign of Charles 11, are to-day rendered useless by excessive taxation and privileged foreign capital. All Irish imports pass through the hands of tne English miactieman, wno receives his bit of plunder in the shape of profit.- The railroads, owned by British inanuiacturers, have their freight charges so arranged that articles coming from England are carried throughout Ireland at a very low rate, but Irish goods will not be carried' from one town to another except at an almost prohibitive cost. For instance, there is an abundance of Irish coal in the country but inland freights prevent it from being placet! upon the Irish market, and the people are forced to buy British coal because it is carried at a cheap rate. The Stock Exchange refuses, to quote Irish stocks and shares, the result being that Irishmen are prevented, owing to the absence of facilities for exchange, horn supporting the industries of their own country, but they receivo every encouragement to invest their capital in foreign concerns. The greater part of the' Irish gold deposits in the banks is sent to England for foreign investment, and paper money is substituted for it, yet the Government offices will not accept Bank of Ireland notes in payment of accounts. Irish taxes are almost totally spent outside the country. The taxes under the Poor Laws , amount to seven and a-half million pounds I per annum, and the greater part of this sum is spent in England. A large number of people are inmates of the Irish poorhouses because there is no -work for them, yet the money that is subscribed for their support, instead of being spent in industrial enterprises in the country to provide work for the unemployed, is sent to England to swell the profits of English manufacturers. Contrast the Ireland of to-day with the Ireland that, under her own Legislature, possessed a trade so rich and extensive that English traders appealed to their Government to suppress _ it. Contrast her trade to-day with that which she won under Grattan, and you wul discover why the pa<jk of commercialised and materialistio hypocrites, whose only god is Mammon, would rather provoke a civil war than allow Ireland to have a parliament of her own. Many years ago Mr Gladstone said that England in her dealing with Ireland " gave to force and to force alone what she might have given to justice." The truth of Mr Gladstone's words is being made more evident every day. The obstruction of Parnell gained something, but when obstruction was no longer possible, Ireland's only hope at Westminster lay in obtaining the balance of power between the Liberals and the Tories. It was this power held by Mr Redmond that induced the Liberals to make a bargain with him that if he would vote with them and thus keep them in power they would add Home Rule to their programme. They never seriously intended to keep their part of the compact. They wished only to be kept in power. The forming of the Coalition Government rendered Irish support of no further use to them, and, not being hampered by any notions of decency or delicacy, they at once proceeded to tear up their " eprap of paper," not oven sparing that to which the King's signature was affixed. Yet in the face of these facts some people ask the Irish to trust them further, when even intelligent Englishmen don't trust them. In the words of Mr Chesterton, " English parliamentarism is a jest in the streets. It is not only a joke, but an old joke, and the whole system has lost every rag, not merely of popular respect, but even of conventional respectability. The Secret Party Fund is no longer even a secret, but only a scandal." Small wonder is it that Irishmen are determined not to lower the dignity of their _ country by entering into further negotiations with a gang of individuals - whose promises are &o dishonoured cheques. They may stage again their old pantomime scenes, and bring out the old party flags and badges, and attempt to establish the old hypocrisies as firmly as before; they may trick out their fat profiteers to represent Liberty and to spout about democracy, but the result will always be the same._ They can never conceal the fact that their solo object in life is money and the power that will give them more money. Truth, justice, and honour are roughly pushed aside the moment the profiteer or his creature, the politician, sees a way of grabbing money. Money is the breath of life to them; it is for •this only that they lie, and scheme, and wrong; it is the only god they ■worship in life; it is their life, their god, and their alL—I am. eta. j. Robinson. bouth Dnnedm, January 25.

The skeleton | measures lin less than -&o height of tlie living rntay.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT19190127.2.74

Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 17533, 27 January 1919, Page 6

Word Count
1,440

COMMERCIAL. Otago Daily Times, Issue 17533, 27 January 1919, Page 6

COMMERCIAL. Otago Daily Times, Issue 17533, 27 January 1919, Page 6