Tub revelations contained in* the memoirs of Prince Lichnowsky, from which we published yesterday the interesting passages that covered the fateful days preceding the declaration of war, must be gall and wormwood to the militarists of Germany. They throw the responsibility for the outbreak of war very clearly on the shoulders which should rightly bear it. They contradict flatly all that has been said by German statesmen in authority concerning the bellicose designs of Great Britain. They explicitly acquit Great Britain from having had any desire other than one to avert war and to avoid war as long as it was possible for her to do so consistently with the preservation of the national honour. A document more condemnatory of the perfidy of Germany could not have been written bv the worst enemy of that country than this memorandum prepared by the diplomatist who was her Ambassador in Great Britain in 1914. A curious fact which is brought to light in the memoirs is that Prince Lichnowslcy, though the Ambassador of Germany, was himself not fully informed respecting the policy of- his country. As it woe, in 1014, so was it also at other times when international questions of great delicacy had to be discussed. The explanation of this is furnished by Sir Valentine Chirol, who is believed to be an unrivalled authority on the subjoct of German mentality i n the diplomatic field. It is, he says, part of the practice of Germany to send ambassadors to foreign countries as mere figureheads. Those men are selected, like Prince Lichnowsky, for London, where the dirty work of tho German Foreign Office was done by Herr von Kulhmaun, tho Councillor of the Embassy, now German Foreign M". lister. Sir Valentine also cites the case of Count Ilatzfeld, previously Ambassador in London, who was Igriorant of the policy f at was being pursued by his councillor, Count WolfMetternich. Count Hatzfeld's representations of British policy were systematically countered by Metternich. Barcm Holstein, who was for many years the real soul of tho German Foreign Office, once said: " Hatxfeld if> a groat gentleman, but we ha-ve to rely npon Paul " meaning Metternich. When Count Me'tternich afterwards became Ambassador in London he was treated by his then <*•«»- ! cilkr, Count BemstorS, as be kaa him- '
self treated Hatzfeld. German Ambassadors at many courts arc apparently kept for show, to cover the trail of real German diplomacy.
Tiik Government of the United States has declined to release any of the requisitioned Dutch ships for the carriage of grain to Holland. If Holland wants wheat from America sho must send ships from her home ports for it. In short, Holland has failed in an effort to secure something beyond the terms allowed by Great Britain and the United States in respect of the conditions which governed their decision two months ago to requisition all Dutch shipping within their territorial waters. That decision put into operation an arrangement which, after dallying with the business till the patience of the Allies was exhausted, Holland in tho end declined to ratify, except upon certain conditions in which tho pressure of German influence was discernible. Holland has been playing in the past the game of saving her own shipping and getting all the use me could out ot the ships of other countries. By not making the fullest use of her shipping she has indirectly assisted the operations cf Germany. For months it had been the endeavour of Great Britain and her Allies to induce every Power to use its shipping to the full. In the end pressure was necessary in the case of Holiand, and the attitude of the Dutch Government was itself responsible for the determination of the Allies that the Dutch tonnage should be used practically unconditionally, save, of course, for various guarantees, which were not lacking in liberality, since they covered compsnsation to the Dutch owners for losses, the return of the vessels after the war, and so forth. The British and American Governments gave undertakings that no Dutch ships leaving Dutch ports after the date of the requisition should be subject to seizure, and that, to relieve the shortage in Holland, so much wheat should be placed at the disposal of Holland at a North American port, and so much at a South American port. "It is hoped that the Netherlands Government will immediately send out such tonnage remaining in Holland as may be necessary to convey this corn," observed Lord Robert Cecil in the House of Commons in March; and he added that "the associated Governments guarantee as far as it is in their power that these ships shall enjoy immunities from delay and detention, and receive every facility." The wheat still remains to be lifted, and for some reason the Dutch Government is endeavouring to get it without sending for it. Motives such as may be behind its attitude readily suggest themselves ; but the decision of the Allies, as conveyed from Washington, makes it clear that they are convinced that the requisite tonnage is available in Dutch ports.
American thoroughness in the matter of war-preparation is so impressive in its general aspect that there is nothing depreciatory of it in the discovery that it has also its lighter side. A decree has now been issued by the War Department at Washington which is calculated to strike terror into the hearts of a certain and largely parasitic section of the population. All loafers and men not engaged in useful occupation have received a short notice that they must undertake war work or be drafted into the army. The list of "non-useful" individuals includes gamblers, race-track habitues, waiters, bartenders, persona engaged in games or amusements, male domestic servants, and sale clerks. It has the appearance of a courageous, almost heroic, edict. The drastic character of the Government's action has most profoundly impressed the American people through the consideration that "if strictly enforced it will stop professional baseball." Possibly when Germany learns that baseball has been sacrificed in the United States to the exigencies of war she will realise, as never before, the prospect that is in store for her. Behind the scheme can generally be detected a plan for replacing men by women in a number of occupations. Nevertheless, to draw the line severely in a classification of "non-useful" occupations is a bold step, and it will be decidedly interesting to observe how this latest American war measure works out in practice. Why sale clerks should be placed in the same black list as gamblers and professional players of games is, for one thing, not apparent. It is to be noted that, coincidently with the issue of the Federal cdict, the Governor of New York has issued a proclamation to the effect that idlers, rich or poor, will be forced to undertake war -work. We should imagine that there will be a decided restiveness in consequence among the leisured well-to-do in that State. But the practical value as well as the inherent justice of such a determination upon the part of the authorities cannot be gainsaid. There are other countries which might well imitate, even now, the American example.
The Admiralty announces that 220,709 tons of British shipping were lost during the month of April. This figure compares most favourably with the loss of British shipping during the corresponding month of last year, which amounted to 655,000 tons. But the havoc wrought by unrestricted submarining reached its height twelve months ago, and the month of April, 1917. was marked by record losses of ,British, Allied, and neutral shipping. Had the destruction gone on at the rate it then attained the hopes of the German Admiralty would have come perilously near fulfilment. Happily, anti-submarine measures took the edge off the peril, and we are in the fortunate position to-day of beincr able to draw reassuring comparisons between the present and the past. When we recall that the average monthly losses of British shipping from all causes in 1917 amounted to 330.000 tons, we see that a loss of 220,000 tons last month constitutes a relatively moderate destruction, though we have to recognise that it also represents something beyond the best monthly output of new construction achieved by British shipyards, and that it means that the equivalent of over forty vessels of five thousand tons has gone to the bottom. Bnt a very favourable factor about the returns for last month is the comparative smallness of the amount of Allied and neutral shipping that was sunk—only 84,393 tens. In the month of March tho British losses represented 216,000 tons— less than for April—while Allied and neutral losses amounted to 166,000 tons. Therefore, we find that last month was, over all losses, moro favourable than March, to the extent of nearly £0,000 tons. Roughly, Great Britain and her Allies re- I quired to construct 300,000 tons of now shipping last month to meet the destnic- j tion caused by the enemy. In one month j Britain has shown herself capablo of turn- | ing out more than half of that total, and 1 it would be no surprise to leam that in I April tie combined efforts of Great Britain i and l iu -United States, and of their Allies j and neutral States, have, in fulfilment of Admiral Sima's prediction, moro than balanced the world's shipping losses. j
Tax cablegrams of this week -nippli-d ;i ?.mn<'what belated account of tho fiasco in <i\nnection with tha establishment <if an avkiion We at Loch Doon. Tbie mattor
was ventilated in a debate in the Hcmse of Lords over two months ago. It apparently provided a singularly glaring case of mnddledom, or worse, in the conduct of the nation's business. After half a million of the public's money had been expended on it the Loch Doon aviation base was found quite unsuitable for the purpose for which it was intended. A report from the Select Committee of National Expenditure indicates that tho project was abandoned because the climatic conditions of the locality were unfavourable to flying, and also because it would have been necessary to drain a large bog before tlie construction of an aerodrome could be begun. The disclosure is extraordinary. A remarkable feature of it is the price that was paid for the discovery of conditions or drawbacks which should have been readily enough ascertainable before the enterprise was ever seriously undertaken. Would private enterprise have ever liiade such a blunder, unless deliberately and for profit? We cannot imagine so. If the Loch Doon affair is but one example among many of costly administrative bungling, there is no need to wonder that the cost of the war is so great. Rightly or wrongly, the Pall Mall Gazette accepts Loch Doon as "only a particularly glaring instance of the incapacity and ineptitude which have for three years obstructed the conduct of the air branch of the service." It is characteristic of departmental procedure, the same journal observes, that for the waste of public money on this abortive experiment "no one is responsible." Waste of money, waste of labour, waste of time, and a general hampering of the nation's war effort are results which may accrue, it would appear, through the over-hasty adoption of the advice of so-called experts. Tiie special reference by Mr P. G. Kellaway, Parliamentary Secretary of Munitions, to the important part played by airmen in the present war is significant. Mr Kellaway advocates the " ruthless" use of this branch of the army, the only limitations to be recognised being those of humanity, in which case he believed the war oould be brought to a triumphant conclusion, as the Allied airmen had proved that they possess a " material personal superiority." When a member of the Ministry makes a suggestion of this kind it is not unreasonable to suppose that he has done so with the consent and approbation of his colleagues. His remarks derive all the greater force from their appositeness to the military situation. By two dashing exploits the navy practically closed the hornets' nesta at Zeebrugge and Ostend. The airmen have since been so persistent in their attentions that the restoration of the damaged works is impracticable, and the process of natural siltation should soon render the harbours absolutely impracticable, even to the smaller naval craft. Apart from raids such ag that on Cologne, in which the German population are taught an impressive lesson of the capacity of their enemies for carrying the horrors of war into their territory, the Allied airmen are bearing a large, honourable, and effective share in the fight for liberty. Americans are now participating to a not inconsiderable extent in the nerveracking and dangerous- operations in the air, and, as machines arrive from the United States in greater numbers, they will play an even more conspicuous part. The Ministerial references may possibly be taken to indioate that an even greater use may be made of the airmen's services in the early future.
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Otago Daily Times, Issue 17324, 25 May 1918, Page 6
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2,159Untitled Otago Daily Times, Issue 17324, 25 May 1918, Page 6
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