SHOULD LABOUR WORRY ABOUT POLITICS?

Otago Daily Times, Issue 16120, 8 July 1914, Page 5

SHOULD LABOUR WORRY ABOUT POLITICS?

"THERE SHOULD BE NO LABOUR PARTY IN PARLIAMENT," SAYS THE NEW AGE.

Wβ say that Labour is not only not wiee to be in politics, but it, is not light that Labour should be in politics. There ought to be no Labour party in Parliament whatever. Its presence there 13 a menace to public life, an anomaly in the representative system, and, above all, is fatal to the objecte of the Labour movement.

From the above text the New Age makes these interesting remarks as to ho* the Labour movement may best achieve its ends: —

— The Object of Labour.— "We do not suppose that -we cam convince any Labour member of the first two charges -we bring against Labour in politics,'.' says the New Age. "They; imagine, we have no doubt, that their excellent intentions are a guarantee of their excellent effect upon public life; and, as for the representative system, they would reply, no doubt, that ita preservation, is pedantry if it interfere* with their right to sit as Labour members.

"What is the object of ttie Labour movement? This must be diatinguiehed from the means, for these may be many and diverse, while the former must Dβ single and constant. The object, w» reply, of the whole Labour movement, whether it be aware of it or not, is the; emancipation of the proletariat from_ the wage system; and we say that this ie the real and final object of the Labour movement because no other can be conceived that can satisfy all the condition* of the definition.

— The Last Place to Pursue It.— " Higher wages, for instance? But 'what security is there under the wage system that these would be permanent, progressive, and general? None; n» economist dare promise it. Better conditions, more leisure, careers open to' talents? So long as these depend upott employers, private or public, what security is there that they cannot be as easily taken away as given? "No, try any nostrum formnlated by aroy school or social kindergarten, even it it could be adopted, its guarantee of security would be missing while the wage system remains. But if the abolition of the wage system is the solo all-inclusive object of the Labour movement, it should instantly be apparent that Parliament ie. the last place in which to pursue it, and politics, the last means to be employed. For it is, if you please, a revolution, an> economic and spiritual. revolution. And what has Parliament to do with an economic and spiritual revolution, except to stave it off as long as possible?

— What Has Politics Done?— " In the next place, look at what politic* has really done for the proletariat. Hae it done anything? Divide the total sun* paid "to the working class to-day equally; among all its members and compare that quotient with the quotient afforded by suci a division, 10, 20, 100, 1000 years ago. Relatively to the total produce of industry j not only has the share of the proletarian unit not increased in all these.years, but it has diminished, is diminishing, and "will continue to diminish unless , the descent is checked by something more than political action. Yet during the same period the political victories of the proletariat are said to have been enormous. And enormous they are; we do not deny it.

—All the Liberty Possible.—

" Politically they have almost all the liberty it is possible to have: liberty to read what they please, think -what they please,- say what they please, and almost do what they please.. Never shall it be thought that we deny that the proletariat has political liberty. But what i» the use of it to them? Liberty withoift the means of exercising it is an empty, name; and while the annual share of the total wealth produced is dwindling pet capita of the proletariat, political liberties may be multiplied upon them so that each, becomes a law unto himself, and still they tumble deeper and deeper into slavery. :

— Parliament and Economic Freedam.-r« "Now we say that this is exactly what is taking place and what must take place while the Labour movement is looking ih politics for what is not there. Political progress, in the nature of it, is progress in political freedom; but it is not progress in the effective condition of political freedom, which is economic freedom. How can it be? we ask. Does Parliament

claim, let alone exercise, the right to transfer economic power from one set of . persons to another set? Its sole object being to preserve property "wherever pit* perty exists, the mission of politics is complete when it has secured the rights of property. Look back now and see whether this mission has not been fulfilled. Are the proletariat nearer to becoming possessed of property to-day than at any time in their tragic history? Thejfl are further off and going fast further! .-.' — Diverting*Laboar's Energy.— " And next consider the diversion of eneTgy, attention, ability, and will-powe*' that the political action of the Labour momement entails. " In the -workshop, in the factory, in the mines, and on the railways—it is in these places that the war is being carried) on; and with how little success! Yet it seems that the Labour movement thinjks itself so rich in men, money; and mind that it can easily tfford' to despatch Hβ • best-equipped battalions to capture the Parliamentary windmill. Sport! Talk about the waste of Labour upon football or upon horse-racing—these consume nothing in comparison with the consumption of will and intelligence in the equally vain and far less profitable sport _ of Labour politics. To sport proper the proletariat devote their recreative hours, their surplus, or perhaps. only_ their fatigue; but to the game of politics their leaders offer up all that is serious in their class, —No Officials to Spare.— ~ "It is ruinous, we say, ruinous. There; , is not a trade union in existence that cai* .' out of its supply of capable officers spare one, let alone three-quarters of each, te attend the parliamentary matches. Our readers know that if we had the power we would forbid any trade union official bo much as to mention politics officially. He should be dismissed as swiftly as • confidential clerk discovered blabbing or.s> treasurer caught betting. And the money, too! Is it understood that the game' of politics costs the Labour movement some- v thing like a quarter of a million a yearT Wβ are delighted to learn that the rank and file are growing tired of it. The I.L.P. treasury is empty. Splendid! The Daily Citizen must cease unless £50,000 a year is provided. The political levies of the trade unions are slow in. coming in; the engineers will send none> whatever. Oh, good, good! At last, the rank and file are recalling thei* leaders to their proper task of economic action.

— Want of Brains.— " And, that it is about time everything connected with trade unionism proves. The want of attention, of brains, in the movement is immeasurable. While these. quarter-educated, unlettered, and news-paper-fed leaders are worrying their heads about political problems, the very AB.C of which they will never understand, their own world of trade union problems is left in its original chaos. "Who, do they think, is going to solve these problems for them—the problems of the sympathetic strike, the strike for status, the aericultural labourers' problem, the half-time problem, the problem of trade unionism in State service, the problem oi sectional strikes, and a score of others?" concludes the New Age.