THE NAVY.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 15764, 15 May 1913, Page 8

THE NAVY.

FIRST LORD'S STATEMENT. THE IMPERIAL PATROL. DOMINION COOPERATION. (From Our Own Correspondent.) LONDON, March 28. The Navy is » vast scientific business of ever-growing range and complexity, forced without cessation to enter upon now paths of research and application and fanned to the highest pitch of activity by the rapid advance in every direction of rivul Powers. This is a typical passage from the statement of the First Lord or the Admiralty, a statement, the Times says, " packed with information and argument from end to end, often eloquent and always finely phrased, worthy ot its theme. It will long bo remembered for its bearing both upon the European naval problem and upon the Imperial one." Mr Churohil! said the latest Gorman Navy Law had increased the number of vessels we required to construct each year. There was, he feared, no prospect of avoiding large and continuing increases in the Naval Estimates in future .years unless the period of acute rivalries and of rapid scientific expansion through which we' were passing came to an end. Of all nations in the world wo were perhaps best able to bear the strain if it should continue. We had greater accumulations of capital than wore to be found elsewhere. Our fiscal and financial system enabled large expensions of taxation to be made without the cost of living to the masses of the people being directly affected. But although we were not likely to be in any grave difficulty, the evil and insensate folly of what was, now taking place here and all over the world was so patent to the meanest intelligence that concerted effort to arrest it should surely be the first of international objects. There was happily a way open by which the peoples of the world could obtain an almost instantaneous mitigation of the thraldom >n -which they were involving themselves. They were all of them in the same case, and a good deal of what he was going to say could be repeated by the Minister of almost every other Great Power without the slightest prejudice to his own national interests. The strength of one navy was its strength compared "with another navy Every year all the naval Powers were making not only the fleets of their rivals but, their own fleets obsolete without aiding in the least to their relative strength and actual security. Could any process be more stupid? No practical result was secured for any nation by these vast sums of money so long as all were simultaneously advancing. The question that should be asked of the Great Powers and of the great peoples was this: "If for the enncc of a year no new ship of war wa- built for any navy, would your nav.nl interests or national security ba preiudiced in any conceivable way? ' Could they not have one year's reign before they were dethroned''' HAVE A HOLIDAY. Why should, they not all take a naval holiday tor a N j' cal ' so f* r as construction was concerned? It would impose- no check upon the development of true naval 'efficiency, and couid lead to no misunderstanding, while the finances of every country would obtain relief. In Great Britain we cculd speak on such a subject with simplicity. Our naval science was not inferior to that of any Power; our experience was far greater—our resources were greater; our designs had retained their old primacy, and the quality of our workmanship certainly lay under no reproach. Each year, as long as new ships were built, we should build tho best that science could project or money could buy. APPEAL TO GERMANY.

" It is no appeal of weakness panting behind which we make, but ot stn-ngi.il striding on in front. It is ail appeal winch we address to all nations, and to no nation with more profound sincerity than to our great neighbour over the Nortlh Sea. We welcome the friendly tone and temper of recent German naval discussions. It is satisfactory to find that our relations have markedly and sensibly improved, and that from the perils and anxieties under which Europe has dwelt for so many months Great Britain and Germany have drawn the conviction that the desire of both is to preserve , peace. Consciousness of our own strength and the resolution of all parties in the House to do what is necessary to maintain it ought to banish from our discussions anything in the nature of scaremongering and bluster, which are certain means of producing errors in one's own policy and ill-will abroad. '" There is another mistake which we ought to be able to avoid. We must, not .try and read into recent, German naval declarations a meaning which we should like hut which they do not possess. If I were to say that Admiral von Tirpitz had recognised'that a British .preponderance-of 16 to 10 was satisfactory to Germany, that such a preponderance exists almost exactly in the present period, and that in consequence Germany ought not to begin any more capital ships until wo do, it would, I am sure, do a great deal of harm. It would only lead to a direct refusal and subsequent recriminations. The naval policy towards Germany which I have put before the House, and which so far has received very general acceptance, i.s based on strength, candour, and simplicity. It excludes all idea of entangling bargains which would only break down in disputes and irritation. Both nations must be perfectly free to take whatever course in naval armaments may seem to them wise and right, to modify and extend their programmes, and elevate and earrv their standard as they see fit. '

"This time last year I offered on behalf of the Government, openly and publicly, not to build any British capital ships this year if Germany built none. That proposal has not so far bourne fruit. The results, so far as I can foresee, are that nine capital shins will bo constructed on behalf of the British Empire in tho year 1913.'' That year is settled and there can be no going back. GERMAN FLEET IN 1914. " With regard to 1914 I have no reason to believe that it is the desire of tho German Government to postpone or cancel its programme of construction for that year, but it it is its desire it has only to make it known. No ono builds Dreadnoughts for fun, and I cannot sec anypractical difficulty in tho absence of any dangerous or unforeseen development elsewhere in arriving at a good and complete arrangement for that year, not only on bohalf of the British Government but on behalf of the British Empire as a whole. Tho influence of the British and German Governments acting together for the peace and welfare of the world is measureless, and if an arrangement entered into between ua for the prevention of what can be clearly shown to bo a wasteful, purposeless, and futile folly, wore to acquire a wider international scope, there will be all the more cause for general rejoicing, and all the more honour to those who have brought it about. " No one can accuse us of wishing to gain by negotiation or supplication an-advantage which we cannot win by sacrifice and effort. At any rate, there is the suggestion repeatedagain for 1914, or, if 1914 is too soon, for 1915. I make no apology for' dealing with naval affairs thus bluntly and plainly, because I believe it is the best way to bring to a termination tho present dreary epoch which forms one of the most stupid and un- . natural chapters in tho whole history of European civilisation. Tho position in 1920 will be that wc shall have 41 super-dread-noughts built or building (or 45 including the Malaya and Canadian ships) against 24 German super-Dreadnoughts. OIL FOR THE FUTURE. "The labours of the Royal Commission on Liquid Fuel have been coiuinuous throughout the year, and a succession of valuable reports Im6 been received by the Admiralty. There is no disputing the immense advantages which liquid fuel confers in maintaining great speed, and in a far wider radius of action. The capacity for refuelling at sea confers an advantage on the stronger navy which is not shared by the weaker, for while tlhc weaker will bido its opportunity in port, the stronger, navy must keep the seas continuously. Thoro is an absence of any fresh supply of liquid fuel indigenous to these islands, and tho scarcity of any such supplies in view throughout the British Empire. I need hardly cnlargo upon that difficulty. Wo are also confronted with an attempt, on a gigantic scale, to corner flic market, and to control the output. The Admiralty llias not only to buy oil at high prices and at high freights for current consumption, but we have also to accumulate and to store a very large reserve. I must assert my confidence in liquid fuel for wax purposes. Wc are not very far away from some form of internal combustion engines, and, pending such development, although oil is required in large quantities for the flotilla and small vceeols, coal must remain the main motive power of the British line of battle." NAVAL AIRSHIPS. Turning to aerial development. Mr Churchill said the navy now possessed 40 aeroplanes and 60 trained nilots. By the time of the manoeuvres in July tho army and navy togother would possess " not far short of 300 aeroplanes." Of the water-

planes in the navy " some carry guns and tre fitted with wireless of a range of 60 miles," and they could rise and descend in comparatively rougn water. '• If war bleaks' out to-morrow foreign airships might do ii certain amount of mischief and damage before they sot smashed up, which would not be very long, but it i 6 foolish to suppose that in their present stage of development the.v could produce results whid'i would decisively influence the course of events.'' To deal with them we had at present 30 or 40 guns capable of vcrtielo fire, and they would be distributed among places of military significance. A better and more powerful gun was being manufactured ''in adequate numbers" by the army and navy, and would bo ready toward the cud of autumn. ''The results of the trials of these guns have greatly encouraged those who disbelieve in airships as effective machines of war apart from scouting." He hoped the public would await developments with sobriety and composure. The policy of armed merchantmen could only bo met by " other armed merchantmen," and Mr Churchill outlined a scheme whereby in addition to the big lincw which they would take over in time of war aecoitling to agreement other merchantmen would be armed. Already terms were being con sidered with the shipowners.

AN IMPERIAL SQUADRON. ' " May I make a digression from the main argument in order to outline the scheme of employment by the Admiralty of any capital snip's which may be provided by Canada for general Imperial. service. Of course, it is understood that Canada will always retain a right to recall these ships on giving reasonable notice, but, while, they arc under the direct control of the Admiralty, it is not proposed to merge them in the regular squadrons of th e British fleet. We propose to form them, with Malaya, and. if agreeable to tho dominion concerned, with the New Zealand, into a new squadron ' of live ships of a high uniform speed, to bo called the Imperial squadron, which would be based on Gibraltar, and from that etalion could easily reach any portion of tlw British Empire in a shorter time than any European force- of equal power could move. From that station it would be possible for such a squadron to reach Halifax in five days, Quebec in six, Jamaica in nine, the South American coast in 12, Capetown in 13, Alexandria in three, Sydney in 28. New Zealand in 32, Hong-Kong in 22, Vancouver in 23 days, and the Channel in a very much shorter time. "Our intention is that this squadron should, as opportunity offers, cruise freely about the British Empire, visiting the various dominions and showing, itself ready to operate at any threatened point at home or abroad. The dominions will be consulted by the Admiralty on all the movements of this squadron, which are not dominated by military considerations, and special facilities will be irivoti to Canadians, Australians, South Africans, and New Zealandcrs to serve as men and officers in this squadron. In this way a true idea will be given of a mobile Imperial Squadron of the greatest strength and speed, patrolling the Empire, showing the flag, and bringing reallv effective aid wherever it may be needed. The squadron could, of course, be strengthened from time to time by further capital ships, or by fact cruisers, if any of the dominions saw fit. INTER-DOMINION ACTION. ''Side by side with this, the dominions will ! be encouraged by the Admiralty to. develop the necessary naval bases, deckyards, cruisers, local flotillas, or other ancillary craft, which would enable the Imperial Squadron to operate for a prolonged period in any particu.o.r threatened theatre to which it might be sent. There is ino more valuable principle in Imperial Federation than this principle which I am bringing forward to-night of inter-Dominion action. The homely old.talc of the bundle of sticks, each of which could be snapped separately, but which bound-together were unbreakable, is the last word in the naval strategy of the British Empire. We cainot, of course, direct or control these developments. Each one of the dominions is absolutely free to take its' own course, and the Admiralty will do its best to work loyally in naval matters with the responsible Ministers of any Government that n.ay come into power in any part of the British Empire. That is our duty, but it is 'also. I think, our duty, with our knowledge and experience in naval matters, which is necessarily greater, to state clearly what we believe to be the right and sound ;i!an for these important developments to iollow in the future, and endeavour to combine, so far as possible, what is best for each with what is best for all." WHAT MR ALLEN THINKS. Mr Allen, discussing the matter v'th mc to-day, said: "I think the. scheme of an Imperial Squa.dron may be sound enough from the point of view of the defence of Britishers living in this country, or from the point of view of supplementing the Mediterranean squadron, i'ossibly, also, it has some meaning to those living on the eastern side of the Dominion of Canada; but I do not see what good it is goins to be to those who live on the west side of Canada, or in New Zealand or Australia. If it goes touring all over the world it "•will probably be away at the moment when it is wanted somewhere; and in any case it will take 32 days to get to Australia. That is a pretty long time, even assuming the fleer is ready to move the moment it in required. Moreover, in view of the policy which Australia has already decided upon and is carrying out, I do not sec how Mr Churchill is going to put into.effect his scheme of having the fleet manned partly by Australians and New Zealandcrs. The Australians arc manning their own unit with their own men. There seems to be a misconception which ought to be removed. They talk about local navies. They are not looa.l navies; they are local units of an Imperial Navy. Wc want to utilise our own national'sentiment of patrioism, and have an interest in the matter ourselves. You cannot expect us to simply provide ships and men and money for the North Sea and the Mediterranean."

Mr Allen, points out that Mr Churchill savs the Imperial squadron could reacli any part of the Empire from Gibraltar more quickly than any other European forces. But, he adds. "We do not fear any European force. That ,is the crux of the mattor." Ho says ho is confident, from the experience of Australia, that the men will ho forthcoming when the time arrives for the manning of any vessels for which oversea seamen are desired. SIR JOSEPH WARD'S VIEWS. Sir Joseph Ward briony gave me his views. ''Tnerc is no doubt," lie said, "that the suggestion to have a movable squadron is an excellent one and a great advance upon the existing position. Those who looked upon the necessity of protecting the heart ol the Empire cannot be otherwise than in favour ol such a squadron with its headquarters at Gibraltar. I favour a movable squadron, and if the Admiralty, on which lws the responsibility for the protection of British interests, is satisfied that that is the best place for it, then a layman cannot but support it in its decision. What I would like to see, however, would be a,n Empire movable squadron controlled by the. Admiralty, and a part of the Imperial Navy, located in the Pacific. It would be an ideal way, in my opinion, of guarding the important and growing in.tercaus of that part of the Empire." SIR GEORGE REID. Sir George Reid, in a speech this week on the dominions and the navy, said: "I cannot help thinking, speaking only for myself, that the Australian example must eventually be followed. Canada must undertake rhe defence of the North Pacific and North Atlantic, South Africa must occupy the middle distance, and India must undertake a large share of naval defence in the Bast. Ths task has gone altogether beyond the ,power of the British people, except at sacrifices which it is impossible to suggest. What a tremendous reliel it will be if the dominions beyond the seas undertake defence in those 6eas, leaving Great Britain tree to concentrate her power upon the North Sea and a large proportion of the trade routes. The liberty of Australia to have a fleet of her own, the liberty of Canada to send her Dreadnoughts into the Imperial Navy, might. 6cem to represent conflicting principles and to tend to 'weakness, but my opinion is that so long as the problem is vigorously attacked it is by leaving the different parts of the Empire to follow their particular genius that we shall get the best results. In Australia there is no lack of employment and wages arc high, but there has been such a rush "to man the ships that recruiting has had to be stopped. I believe that there will be a better development of naval and military strength by proceeding on the present ba6is than by merging independent energies'into a. common Parliament." "TRIBUTE" IS DEAD. Tho Times, one of the closest students of the whole question from the overseas standpoint, says: " No one in this country can toll what permanent policy Mr, Borden has in mind; but, if it proved to resemble in any way tho old and discarded idea of contribution, astonishment both here and throughout the Empire would bo great. It is now generally agreed that'a system of ' tribute'—for the term is often usetl—is not only unsound from a constitutional standpoint, but also in no way calculated to put the joint resources of the Empire, both moral and

material to their most effective use. Mf Borden's speeches in this country arc elcscly akin both to the Australian policy and to the pronouncements lately made on behalf of New Zealand by Colonel Allen. Speaking to the Empire Parliamentary Association a fetf days ago, Colonel Allen declared, with much impreesivencss and force, that what New Zealand wanted was ' the living thing, in which the dominions would have a vital interest,' and he went on to explain that ho meant not merely the provision of men as well as material, but also 'an interest in the operation of the fleet itself.' Ther« is no doubt that the view thus expressed on behalf of New Zealand is in full con-., sonance with the movement of opinion here. The old idea of ' tribute '—to apply Disraeli's famous phrase in another contextis ' not merely dead, but damned.' Tha problem, as \Ve now understand it in th:i country, is how to apply the iust principla of local naval development without the waste and comparative inefficiency w'ljch small divided fleets would inevitably entail. The. moment that problem is proved, it is seen to raise a further one, how to reconcile local autonomy with naval partnership and joint control. Thromrh the gradual and inevitable concentration of naval strength in Home waters, the fleet has been obliged to abandon many of its functions in other parts of the world. Englishmen have therefore welcomed tho decision of _ New Zealand and Australia, and the desire of Canada to take up their share of naval defence. They have come, moreover, to realise that this distribution of the duty of defence will not be effective unless it is co-ordinated and systematized, and that, a$ fleets are living instrument!! of policy, the responsibility for policy must be shared and co-ordinated." THE DAILY TELEGRAPH. The Daily Telegraph, which is staunchly conservative on tno naval question, says: " The First Lord pointed out in so many words that tho fleet-unit scheme was not feasible. It is common knowledge that this mistaken conception of Imperial strategy did not come from the brains of sailors, but was a ' happy thought' which was regarded by politicians at the moment—that is, during tho Defence Conference of 1909—as reconciling naval strategy with dominion politics. Sir Joseph Ward, then Prime Minister of New Zealand, probed its hollowness instantly and rejected it. He was for Imperial safety, and he decided to remain (faithful to itie undiluted truth of Imperial strategy, ~i tiie'Sea Lords had preached, without ii.c'rmission since the subject of co-operation in naval defence was first raised —not by the Mother Country, but by tho dominions."