THE COLONIES AND IMPERIAL DEFENCE.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 13874, 11 April 1907, Page 2

THE COLONIES AND IMPERIAL DEFENCE.

DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT. IMPORTANT SPEECHES BY MESSRS BALFOUR AND CHURCHILL (Fnoit Otm Own Corresponds.) LONDON, February 16. ' Quito unexpectedly a first-class " full-dress " debate of almost historio importance aroio jceterdav afternoon upon an amendment tn tho Addrese-in-Reply proposed by Mr Harold Cox, M.P. for Preston, to the effect that "tho first question lo bo laid before tho coming Colonial Confcronce should ho the importance of tho fuller participation by tho] colonies in the cost of defending your Majesty's dominions." Mr Cox oomplained that whereas Great, Britain's total naval and military expenditure annually wos £66,000,000, that of the colonics was only £887,000. Tlio Australian Squadron mainly intended for the purely local defences of Australia, cost £670,000 a year, to which Australia contributed only £240,000. Why ehould tho people of this country lw taxed to relieve those wealthy comumnities of tho primary duty of selfdofonco? The obstacle to old-age pensions hero was that we could not afford to pay for. them. In Australia tho yhad aid-ago pensions becauso they wero paid for by our money, as wero also their members of Parliament. Wo got nothine in 'return. Wo ought to negotiate with tho colonies for a partnership bnsis fiOi that wo could treat them as ipartncro and riot any longer as children. GREAT SPEECH BY MR BALFOUR. This having been formally seconded, Mr Balfour instantly roso in his bast form, and tho Houeo which had been almost empty ■was at once filled in every part. Mr-Bai-four's 6pcech wae ono of tho finest ho has ovor. delivered, and, as was frankly admitted oven by tho Colonial Undor-Sceretary, Mr Winstoif Churoliill, to bo " inspired by tho most profound political wisdom." He expressed a hopo that tho question of imperial dofenco would not bo brought ■boforo tho conference in anything like tho spirit of'Mr Cox's amendment. Mr Balfour earnestly deprecated any disposition to treat tho subject in "tho spirit of a debtor and orcditor account between tho ooloiiion and ourselves. The wholo cost of t(ho (loot and the. greator cost of tho army fell on tho British taxpayer or, rather, tho taxpayer of tho United Kingdom—the still United' Kingdom," repeated Mr Balfour, with an accent on the adverb in obvious , reference to tho Premier's rcccntly-avoivcd Homo Rule ambitions. "Mr Cox's idea ■was that each colony ehould pay its fraction of tho cost. But would one single lower battleship bo required by England, and would tho Army Estimates bo diminisbed a farthing if tho whole of our colonics, which, woro our glory and tho support'of tho Empire, wero to declaro for independence to-morrow? Tlio Houso muet remember, too, that all tlio dangers England ran tlio colonics also ran, although they woro not jiocossarily ooncorncd. '.The fact that they belonged to a worldwide Empiro exposed tho colonics sometimes to dangers which, if- thoy were self-contained communities, thoy would for that very reason escape. It was imposaiblo to aelc the taxpayor in Canada, in Australia, Now Zealand, or the Cape to provide tho monoy for someone else to spend, and he sbould view with tho deepest misgivings"—hero Mr Balfour's tonce woro most tho proceedings of any Govornmont of this country which sugRoatfltV to tho colonics that thoy wero not doing their duty, to tho Kmpiro unless they were Toady to put ehip3 and men under British control in timo of war. . Public opinion wan in no part, of tho Empiro ripe for any suoh development. It was not even in eight, and never could bo until some machinery was discovered which would enable euoh affairs to bo discussed by a Imdv independent of the Parliament of this country and tlio Parliaments of the selfgoverning colonies. Wo could not ask for it, and if we did , we could not get it. Tho looso organisation of tho British Empiro had both its advantages and disadvantages, and would necessitate that, in the event of Imperial danger, wo should roly as far ae tlio colonies wei'o concerned on their voluntary assislanco and their voluntary enthusiasm, which, after all, would bo better than any number of ships nr men on paper without such 'enthusiasm. Schemes of fixed contributions woro illusory, and wo must trust in the future, as in the past, and, ho hoped, with over-inerensing confidenoe, to that feeling of Imperial patriotism which ,M-as no monopoly of the citizens of the Empiro living in this island, but was shared . to tho full by our fellow-citizens in every quarter of tho globe. The cost of our fleet," declared Mr Balfour, " would not bo diminished even if we lost those colonies, ,which are, in my opinion, our glory and Ilio great strength of tlie Empire.—(Ministerial cheers.) But really this is not the wholo case, though I think it is a very important part of the case. It is quito truo that tho colonics got from veyfor nothing a great strength and a great security. But thoy also, through their connection with us, do run Gomo dangers from which otherwieo they might be free. The lion, gentleman has conjured up tho possibility of attacks upon Now Zealand and Australia by Germany, by Japan, or by a regenerated China if wo wero not thcro to act as their protectors, and I quite, agrco. I think the problem which the Australian and Now Zoaland statesmen would have to consider would ho .profoundly modified if they wero loft entirely to their own rcsou'reee.. But let the House remember that tho British Empiro touches world-politics at a very largo number of points, which do not directly concern cither Now Zealand or Australia, except in so far as the inhabitants of Ncv Zealand and Australia are oitizons of tho Empiro as a whole. They have no direct connection with all the" complicated questions which arise with regard to tho Continent ot Europe, tho problems of tho Near East, tho problems of which Egypt is tlio centre, the problems of which China, India, and tho Far East aro tho centres. Wo may at any moment bo involved in a conflict with some first-class Power whioh does not obviously concern tho interest of Canada, Now Zealand, or Australia, and all the dangers that wo run from eiich a conflict they have to run, bocauso they are part of tho Umpiro of which wo aro tho head. Therefore, though it bo thio that wb boar tho wholo cost ot tho fleet and A. Very largo part of the cost of tho army, and that they profit in .many of their relations by that fact, thoy have, from tlio very nature of the ease, and because, they belong to this world-wido Empire—bocauso they belong to a comniilhity _ which touches other nations at pbintd in ovory continent of tho world— they' havo to run dangers wKich, wero they 6clf-:ontaih«l, emall, and isolated communities, they would, for that very reason, altogether esoapo.— (' Hear, hear. , ) Though I. would never euggost," said Mr Balfour, •'.that tho idea of closer political relations should bo abandoned, I say ae a practical politician that it is not yet in sight, and that not until that closer organisation comes, and until tho machinery is devised by which foreign and Imperial affairs can l>o disoussed hy somebody beyond tho' Parliamonts of this country and of tlio selfgoverning, colonies, can we expect such a result. How can wo expect that tho whole management of military and naval forces, paid for by tho 6clf-governing colonies, can bo handed ovor to an authority responsible only, to tho Parliament of this country? I am sure if wo nsk for it, wo shall not get it, and I submit that in all tho affairs necessarily incident to tho very looso organisation of tho British Empire, thoro aro botlJ advantages and disadvantages. It is a disadvantage, for instance, that in case of Imperial danger in a conflict between this country and any great naval or military nation, wo should no doubt, so far i>9 the colonies aro concerned, havo to rely on their voluntary assistance. But I am quito 6ure it is better to relv on that voluntary assistance than to attempt to give to it that rigid involuntary character which naval and military authorities would legitimrcloly like, becauso it would enable thorn to count upon a certain force at any

particular point. I am sure we should got more out .of colonial, loyal, voluntary enthusiasm than wo should by any attempt ot a hard-and-fast organisation. Whatever we might get on paper it would come absolutely to nought, unless we had with us the enthusiasm of the colonies in the unhappy event of our being in conflict, with some great Power. Put what .you like on paper, if the colonics objected, if they thought wo were wrongly engaged in (ho quarrel, you would not gel. that assistance you thought you hnd a right to count upon. —('Hear, boar.') The only method is to trust to voluntary patriotic enthusiasm; you cannot have anything more rigid and F."Stemalic until you unite the several communities of the Empire into a rigid, systematic, organisation. That eystem is not in sight, and until it j 9 do not let us talk of this illusory scheme of fixed contributions for the defence of the Empire, from self-governing colonies, but trust in the future, as we have trusted in the past, and as I hope wo over may with increasing confidence, to that feeling of Imperial patriotism which is "no monopoly of citizens of tho Empire living in these 'islands, but is shared to tho. full by our fnllow-eilizcns in every part of the globe."—(Cheers.) MR CHURCHILL'S VIEWS. Directly Mr Jialfour concluded, Mr Winston Churchill sprang to liis feet. Ho made an exceptionally good a-nd lnoderato speech, _ After complimenting the oxPriino Minister on tho "most profound political wisdom" which throughout had inspired liis remarks, he expressed his entire concurrence in the view that it would bo.wrong to make any attempt to measure tho money value of tho services exchanged between tho Mother Country and - the colonics. Still less ought wo, he thought, to try to draw invidious comparison? between the contributions made on either sido or the benefits which arc reciprocally interchanged.—(Cheers.) "Our views on this sido of the House," continued I'ir Churchill, "and, I think, in a great measure on both sides of the House, are that tho British Empire is not a business proposition, and must not bo looked upon in that light. It is based on tho principal of tho family, and not on tho principle of a syndicate, and wo doelino to haggle and bargain with our children either on the preciso. amount of their .military contribution or upon any matters connected with' commercial treaties.—('Hear, hear.') I agrco with tho Right Hon. gentleman (the Leader of the Opposition) thiit it is not maintainable that the great cost of the British army and navy is in any large measure' duo to our association with the self-governing colonics. No doubt their position and tho high place the British Empire gives us among tho nations of tho world impose many grave unci serious responsibilities upon the Crown, und those, who conduct tho Government under tho Crown; is not easy to tell to what extent our military preparations could bo reduced, or relaxed, either by sea or by land, if the self-governing colonies and all the responsibilities attaching to (hem were altogether removed from our sphere. It is not possible to analyse or ti> allocate with any precision to what particular needs of the Empiro particular charges in our defensive arrangements aro duo; and I agree with the Right Hon. gentleman that it seems certain that the main cost and tho need, for instance, of tho British army arises not out of anything connected with tho self-governiiiL' colonies, but out of tho needs of the United Kingdom, and more particularly out of tho needs of tho great dependency of India. And I ngrco that, whether we had Empire or not over tho seas, we should still be forcod to securo tho effective command ot the sea, in order to protect our triulo ami our food supply and to secure our own domestic peace in those islands. On tho other hand, it is unquestionable that if tho self.-governing colonies were by some melancholy and improbablo drift of events to bo removed from tho shelter of tho Mother Country, and from tho protection of its great instruments of war, they would have lo embark on naval and military expenditure—certainly on naval, and, I think, also on military expenditure—far in excess of any provision which they are now required to make or seem likely to make in the future. And whi'.o I join with the right lion, gentleman (tho Leader of Ihc Opposition) in doprecatimr anything in tho nature of a hard commercial reckoning with tho selfgoverning colonies of tho British Empire, I think there ia no doubt that it is their duty to contribute, as opportunities may occur, to thp. common resources of our defensive need. I think the colonies recognise the propriety of coming to tho assistance of tho Mother Country and contributing to tho general defence of the Empire. The contributions which they have made are no doubt, as tho lion, gentleman has pointed out, not very large, but they imply very valuable principles, and they aro increasing. . . , We, as a Government;, do not wish to cast the British Empiro permanently into a rigid military mould foreign to it's genius and constitution. While we woleomo every step which the colonies are prompted to take by their- own good feeling, their sense of justice, and the prudential considerations which actuate- them to make an addition to the common stock of our • defensive resources, wo make no demand on tho colonies. Whatever they give us they givo voluntarily, and we will accept it gladly and do our best to dcrivo tho utmost possible advantage from it. But it is, of course, clear that tho supreme control of foreign relations must necessarily nnd inevitably devolvo upon that partner in our widespread league upon whom would fall, in tho event of anv strugele, the main burden and the peril of war."—(Cheers.) Mr W. Redmond had urged that in fairness Ireland ought to bo placed on tho paino footing as the colonies. Mr Callieavt Wasoii expressed his opinion that the discussion would prove very serviceable b>; freely thrashing out the question, and that aa a result the colonies and the Mother Country _ would remain, if possible, even better friends than at tho present moment. It would bo a great thing if thie wholo question could bo fairly and freely discussed with the colonial representatives. Sir Gilbert Parker expressed satisfaction with tho speech of tho Colonial Undor-soerctary, and then tho amendment was by leave withdrawn.