OUR AMERICAN LETTER.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 9391, 2 April 1892, Page 5 (Supplement)

OUR AMERICAN LETTER.

San Francisco, March 1.

POLITICS AND POLITICIANS

have bulked largely before a long-suffering public of late. Their doings and misdoings have been chronicled throughout the length and breadth of the laud. Conventions have been held, prophesyings indulged in, voters appealed to, opponents cursed, leaders appointed, and the complete electoral-presidential mechanism put in order. From out the clamour and chaos of contending parties one question, without exception, ranks first and foremost — viz., Who's to manipulate the political machine? This is the crux of the whole business. Patriots may orate, factionists may execrate, citizens may bewail that these things are so, but the fact remains that politics is a machine, and unless a' party thoroughly understands how to work, grease and oil it it stands no chance. Political managers and political bosses are a power in the land. Honour, morality, scrupulous regard for the good name of your adversary are not their weak points. They cannot conceive it possible that the people, as such, can, or could, be animated by some spontaneous desire to uproot a wrong, reject an evil liver, or uphold some great principle. Their first questions in any and all, apparent upheavals are, first, Who's behind it ? and second, What's he after ? And it must be admitted they are in many cases justified in their attitude. Apathy to public affairs is here, as elsewhere, the besetting sin of the better class of people. Upwards of 100,000, it is said, in New York State alone of duly qualified citizens abstain from taking any part in politics. The same holds true of San Francisco and elsewhere, with the result that men of the Tweed, Buckley, and Crimmins stamp reign supreme. And now the air is thick with rumours. The wires are being pulled, the puppets made to dance, and the philosopher to sigh. The question of questions at this moment agitating us is concerned with the Presidential campaign of November next. Blame has definitely retired from nomination. This, apart from party grounds, is to bo regretted. He is, perhaps, the only American statesman who had a European reputation, and there is no one, Republican or Democrat, who can approach him here. His election, had he consented to nomination at the Republican convention which will be held at Minneapolis iv July next, was looked upon as certain. He would have secured all the waverers and. doubtful voters, and his name would have welded all the men of his own party into a solid phalanx, animated with the one aim of returning him to power. But though it appeared, almost, like a case of having for mere asking, Blame has chosen his part and, in so choosing, has left the President's chair as a prize to be squabbled for by a host of combatants.

DEMOCRATS AND KEPUBLICANS

are putting forward all sorts and conditions of men as possible candidates for the chief magistracy. Such queer names as Ignatius Donnelly, of Shakespeare-Bacon notoriety, to "Bob" lugersoll, the chief buffon of a school of superficial and aggressive infidelity, are to be found blended with those of Harrison, Cleveland, Carlisle, Lincoln, and other lesser known men.

Harrison, now that his foreign secretary has decided not to stand, is, at present, the most probable Republican nominee, whilst Clevelaud or Hill—this latter having secured a large portion of the Democratic party of New York— may possibly be the chosen one of the Democrats. At this moment, however, all is uncertain, the only exception being the very certain manner in which, and with which, one party denounces the other. "An organised objection to everything progressive," was the definition of Democracy given recently by an opponent. " A party ruled and governed by a plutocracy," honeycombed with corruption, the tool of wealthy corporations, the debaser of our monetary system, and the sworn ally of jobbers and bribers," was the somewhat freer description of the Republican party, also by an opponent, during a late convention. Meanwhile both parties are girding on their armour. Down in

Louisiana, the chairman of the Democratic Campaign Committee, has had shipped to him at New Orleans, 40 cases of Winchester rifles and 13 boxes of cartridges, and expects more shortly. He doesn't mean anything—at least he says so—only he isn't going to be "bulldozed " or bluffed by the patriots on the other side. On the other hand, the State of Ohio has some fair specimens of Republican management. " Here," says a certain General Boynton, " we have a lower order of political morality

and a worse organisation than either party elsewhere in the States," which is rather hard upon the Democratic chairman of New Orleans. Ohio, also, boasts a " boss" who is an illiterate saloon keeper—

an owner of one of the most notorious dives in the most notorious part of the city,

familiarly known as "Dead Man's Corner," owing to the many murders committed in and about it, of a gambling house, and a department therein devoted to much viler purposes. Such is Ohio's chief " boss." Such are the men

to whom the American people, the Clevelands and Harrisons, hand over the control of their political organisations. This same " Boss "Cox, by the way, has, or had, a special scale of charges fixed, so that any aspirant for a public office might, without unnecessary trouble,

know the cost for running the same. Nominees for judgeships and for the Legislature and county offices had to pay from L2OO to L2OOO each, and pledge themselves to resign about two-thirds of the patronage of their position as well.

So much for the amicable procedure of the two great parties in the States. But there is a third that has arisen and cried, "A plague on both your houses." It is termed THE PEOPLE'S PARTY,

and it has just held a convention at St. Louis,

in the State of Missouri. It is an agglomeration—or conglomeration—of all and sundry. "Mugwumps," the two historic parties term them. The only genuine saviours of this nation —a nation that is upon the verge of moral,

political, and material ruin — its members

term themselves. Judging from its programme aud speeches, Russia is in a nourishing condition compared to the United States. It seems, among other fearful things, we have "a hireling standing army, unrecognised by our laws, to shoot them down." The cures for this shocking state of affairs are —land nationalisation ; State ownership of railways, &c.; bi-metalism ; and our dear old friend, who pops up like King Charles' head in Mr Dicks' memorial, a State bank of Issue! The people's party, however, could not agree. It contained too many diverse elements. There was the Farmers' Alliance hungering for a loan at 3 per cent, that was to be advanced to its members by the State in which they lived, this latter obtaining it at 1 per cent, from the National Government, and that, in its turn, was to buy a printing press and make money by the billion. Then there was the Knights of I Labour party hot for eight hours per day, and

the federated trades, and the prohibitionists marshalled by Miss Frances Williard. A common platform was an impossibility. This was evident from the first. The prohibitionists

withdrew before the close of the convention. The remainder agreed upon one thing and one only: the appointment of a committee to call a convention at which candidates for the Presidency and vice-Presidency shall be nominated. This was done, and its convention will be held at Omaha, in the state of Nebraska, in June. The prohibition party also propose to nominate candidates for these high offices. At present, then, it is doubtful how many Richmonds there will be in the field. CONGRESS still talks, protests, rises to points of order, questions the Speaker's ruling, solemnly refers serious business to committees, drinks and dines and smokes, and generally conducts the business of this great people with becoming propriety. Few measures have got beyond the stage of being favourably reported upon by their respective committees. The great bills of the session will be The Chinese Exclusion, The Free Coinage, and Springer's Tariff Bills. Spite of the Senate's Committee upon Foreign Affairs reporting adversely in respect to Chinese legislation the House of Hepresontatives mean business. Stump's Bill has be.m favourably reported on by the committee to which it was referred, and there will be a big fight to get it through. Its salient features are—perpetual exclusion, no distinction between labourers and merchants, deprivation of the privilege of habeas corpus. Springer's tariff biil I have previously mentioned. Its becoming law would be a great victory for the Democratic party, but there are rocks ahead. The chief features of the bill are : All raw wool free, shoddy and mungo db per cent., woollen and worsted yarns 35 per cent, ad valorem. Under the M'Kinlcy Act the. duties on these are equivalent to 103 to \ll per cent. Worsted cloths, shawls, knit fabrics, &c, 40 per cent. In the M'Kinley Bill the duty on worsted cloths ranges from 90 to 146 per cent. Blankets and flannels for underwear the rates will be 25 and 35 per cent. M'Kinley rates being from 73 to 110 per cent. The Free Coinage of Silver Bill also promises a bitter fight, the more especially as parties are divided among themselves upon it.