OUR RELATIONS WITH JAPAN.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 805, 12 September 1864, Page 6

OUR RELATIONS WITH JAPAN.

(From the, Economist.)

The debate on Japanese affairs, which took place in the Hou'-e of Lords Jast Friday, cannot be said to have been satisfactory, bat will probably be useful- One or two points of fact were definitively established ; a little official information as to the actual state of affaire was contributed; and the dangers and difficulties and duties of our position were made manifest. Whether any practical action will result,^ or could be expected to result, from the discussion, is more doubtfal. Lord Carnarvon, in a remarkably temperate speech, full of carefully-sifted facts, insisted on the views which we have several times laid before our readers during the last two months, and Lord Grey added, the ■weight of his thoughtful and logical reason in confirmation ol them. On the other hand, it was made clear that the fault has nob been aU on the side of the Japanese, as indead might have been surmised at tha outset, by all who know tiow reckless Britons in all part* of the wo-ld are apt to be of the feelings and customs of foreigners whom they despise; and how constantly and naturally those who, either as merchants or as adventurers, are the first to push their fortunes in newly-opeued countries, are found to be among the worst and ■wildest and most disreputable of their class. It appears clear that tltf conduct of certain British visitors and traders tc-Japan had been too oftenoi a character to increase and to justify that dislike and distrust of foreigners which has always .been so strong among the natives, and that this conduct has not been, perhaps could not easily be, either repressed or punished as promptly as was desirable. By inserting among the conditions of the treaty, -which we dictated and may almost be said to have enforced, a clause exempting British subjecta from the juris'iici-ion of Japanese courts of law and police, we incurred a reduplication of respopsi"faility to enforce considerate behavior and just dealing on these privileged individuals. It is '•very questionable whether we ever ought to have insisted on this " extra-territoriality" clause, a 9 it is termed:—it is one which we should ne'er dream of proposing to any nation whose power or -whose civilisation we respected ;—but, as 1 ord ■Grey vary properly observed, having obtained it, -we have no rfcht to protect in this exceptional raanner those "whom we do not control in an €oually exceptional manner;—nnd.itas not even alleged that w* have been able fully to discharge our obligations in this particular. It appears, too, that, independently of any misconduct or Tough behaviour, the mere presence of Europeans and their trading operations have raised the pries of most articles of daily necessity in all the districts they frequent, and have thus increased the ill-will of the natives and added to the difficulties of our position. The foreign trade of Japan may become extensive and 'important: it is not so now, though we fancy Lord Carnarvon somewhat understated it. From a return just published, it appears that the imports and exports of Kanagawa, in the three last years, have been as follows :— 1860. 18"»1. 1833. £ £ £ Imnorts ...197,000 ... 308,000 ... 536.0C0 Exports: ..8-23 000 ... 559,000 ...1,313,000 The total value, inwards and outwards, of the trade Svearwrmld thus be nearly L 1.850,000. of which upwards of L 1.025,000 was conducted by British merchants. Five-sixths of the exports "onsist of silk, while the imports are mostly textile fabrics or tin and lead. It was admitted on all hands that the Japanese Government-that is, the Government of the Tycoon, with which we concluded our treaty - has on the whole acted very fairly by us and has ■done its best to protest our subjects, and is by no means disinclined to promise and to afford such Tedress as is in its power. According to Lord Carnarvon's statement and quotations, Sir_ R. £icoek bears Btrong testimony to tai* disposition,

ftrxJ so does Colonel Ke-ile, our acting Minister in Japan;—nor does Earl Russell at all demur to the truth of the representation. But the difficulties of the Tycoon's position are immense. In the first p!a='e, lie is awsra tbat the legitimate authority of his predecessor to conclude tbe treaty, under which we r.laim admission to Japan, and atonement for the outrages committed is Tohomrintly disputed, and is at bc*t doubtfu!. He knows, to:>, that this predecessor was n- sassinated because lie signed that, treaty, p.th! that he was not the first ruler who met a similar fate for a similar act of liberality. The Tyw;on has not only *o contend against tbe rooted susviicion and mistrust of foreigners which are characteristic of tie people generally, but against his own and his Minister's participation iv those feelings. Besides this his power is very limited by law—sill more limited, probably in ( a( .t~as is usual ie semi-barbarous an-i feudal countries, such as Japan is. Combined, the great Dairaios are more than a match for him; sing.y, even, several of them might set him ac defiance. They commit the outrages; he deplores them, but k really unable either to prevent or to avenge them. Yet it i« from him, as the nominal ruler, tbat we have had to demand reparation. Earl Bu sell freely admits this; and he docs so in language which is morn suggestive of the correctness of our tioeasy misgivings than he probably intended it should be. He demands from the Tvc.ooa indemnity and reparation; and as he considered there was a possibility of refusU or evasion, he sent cut orders for prompt measures of retaliation in case of such an issue—saying "it was better'that the Tycoon's Palace should he destroyed than that our treaty rights should be violated with impunity." But, inasmuch as the last and worst outrages are known to have bsen committed by tho followers of a great Daimio, au enemy apparentl of ihe Tycoon (the Prines of i?a«-surna). whose'esta'.es He near the sea coast, our Admiral on the station has been ordered "to fc<ke measures" for obtaining at the hands of that feudal Baron direct the punishment of the offenders. Thus we have airsa*y found it necessdry to deal with other parties than the recognised Government of the land. What we are to answer, in case the Piince of Satsunia should prove logical and argumentative, and allege that the treaty which we plead is invalid, and that tbe lives of the British subject.? who haci intruded on Japanese territory ware forfeited according to Japanese laws—(which we believe is truA—we do not ciearly see. Probably Earl Ru*sell does. At all ever.ts, he indicates in what direction hi 3 future wishes point*— "For my own part, I shall be very glad to s-'e the authority of the Tycoon maintained ana the authority of "the Daimios. diminished," Finding the practical ioconvenience of dealing with a ruler of very limited power, the Foreign Secretary would desire to increase that po^7er;—aufl ia the civil war, which seems probable,. if not imminent, a3 a result of our intrusion aud demands for reparation, )f wa are forcei to tnke a part, the expression wi have quoted foreshadows what th&t part is to be. And that we shall have to take a part if once hostilities break out, seems almost inevitable, for if the Tycoon ftands by us and •yets iuto trouble by doing £0, we must stand by The weak part of all such debates as that pn which we are commenting, is, as Lord Wcdehouse well remarked, that no one seems able to suggest any different, course from that which Ims been adopted. We have "drifted"; and it does not . appear that cf late vk could well have dene anything but drift. Still, when we do drift, and whan drifting becomes inevitable, the fault lies with those who first piloted our vessel into that special current, trom blindness to its existence or from an inadequate estimate of its strength. Three points, however, it is clearly made out by the debate of Friday last, ousht to be steadily kept in view in our dealings wilh the Japanese, any neglect of whick on the part of our Government will change future embarrassments into occasions for just and Bevere blame: -We must confer on our representative out there both authority and actual power to control and punish promptly and effectually all misconduct on the part of the British citizens whom we claim a right to pro teet.and whom we forbid the Japanese themselves to deal with :— we must send out honorable aud capable officials to whom such powers can be delegated v/ith propriety and safety;—and we must avenge each case of a distinct outrage as far as possible on the individuals or tbe chiefs of the individuals who perpetrate it, —instead, of making it a easus belli aaainst the nominal Government, which probably neither shared in the crime nor was able to execute justice on the offender. This would be irregular, bo doubt; but our whole position in Jspan is anomalous ; and only in this way can we hope in time to teach, tbe hostile lords and native's that they cannot assail us with'impunity. Assassinating bsroiis or fanatics will care^ nothing for a;;y indemnity claimed from the Tycoon, or for fha drath of any fancied malefactor delivered up by him.