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Otago Daily Times, Issue 670, 10 February 1864, Page 4

It is a misfortune to which some are born, to be misunderstood even when they speak the truth. Their previous career, or circumstances, may have given rise to suspicions; there, may be reminiscences which continually rise to the surface whenever they utter anything which sounds like virtuous sentiment; and the contrast between the thing past and the proposition present is so startling, that it is received with doubt and mistrust, and with a feeling that there i 3 something hidden, for which the utterance serves but as a veil. In this precise position the Emperor of the French is placed. Years ago, he proclaimed himself the Napoleon of Peace; but Solferino, and Rome, and the Crimea, and China, and Mexico, bear witness against the assumption. It is not surprising, therefore, that his invitation to the Sovereigns of Europe to meet in Congress, to consider the political and territorial relations of the European Kingdoms, should be received with misgivings on the part of those who weigh his actions as well as his words.

The last mail from England brought copies of two documents relative to this proposal; the Emperor's letter to the Sovereigns of Europe, and his speech on the opening of the French Chambers. The first appeals to the hidden sources of danger to continental peace, arising from the changes which have taken place since the settlement of the balance of power at Vienna in 1815. "It is," he observes, in allusion to that treaty, " on the latter foundation that now "reposes the political edifice of Europe; " and yet, as you are aware, it is crumbMing away on all sides." In his speech, to the Chambers, he is still more explicit, on that point. " The treaties of 1815," he remarks, " have ceased to exist. The " force of circumstances has upset them, "or tends to upset them. They have " been discarded nearly everywhere—in " Greece, in Belgium, in France, in Italy, '• as upon the Danube. Germany is agi- " tating to alter them, England has gene- " rously modified them by the cession of " the lonian Islands, and Russia treads "them under foot at Warsaw." In the opinion of the French Emperor the repose of the "political edifice of Europe," resembles that of the volcano which sleeps but to burst into eruption with renewed fury ; and to wreak destruction npon those who have been lured by its quiet, to make its neighbourhood their abode. And this may be true—but what is to be gained by the Congress? To the French Emperor much —perhaps to Europe little, unless it assumes a. form which the warmest partizans of peace can hardly hope; but which is dimly shadowed forth in the opening speech. From the events which have occurred since the Treaty of Vienna, Napoleon deduces that "duties without rule, rights without " title, and pretensions without restraint," have ensued. A charming picture, truly, for the contemplation of the Royal conclave should they meet in consultation. Well, with such knotty points to settle, may the Saturday Review characterise a Congress as "a war without expense or "bloodshed," a definition which, if true, as a war, has everything to recommend it. No doubt in view of the " rights without "title," the first duty of the Congress would be to acknowledge that " called to " the throne,by Providence and the will of " the French people," Napoleon the Third: and his heirs should henceforth be secured in the Imperial seat. The race of the Bourbons still exists; the Treaty of Paris, confirmed by the Congress at Vienna, expressly provided for their restoration to the Sovereignty of France; the Emperor rule 9by sufferance; thus far he has but a life interest in the Empire ; by the fiat of an European Congress treaties might be formed, backed by the fear of the most effective army in Europe, acknowledging that the voice of France was the voice of Providence, and that henceforth legitimate succession shall run in the Napoleonic line. To Napoleon therefore, a congress would be great gain. There is evidently with him a direct personal and family interest in the movement. In neither document is this fact even remotely alluded to excepting by implication; but other motives are prominently put forward in the Imperial Speech to the Chambers, calculated to

interest all classes in the proposal. The first and most specious is that of a " supreme arbitrament" in the face of which "self-love and resistance would " disappear." In other words, that international quarrels instead of being submitted to the barbarous ordeal of the sword, shall be decided in a sort of Federal Court of Appeal. If this were possible, no doubt great advantages would result. The history of mankind, and especially of tlie last eighty years, abundantly proves that after the sword has done its work, negotiation precedes peace. Between 1789 and 1815, twenty-five years of bloodshed desolated Europe; four millions of men lost their lives by the casualties of war ; thousands of millions of treasure were wasted; civilisation not only languished but retrograded, until exhausted in the struggle—the Treaty of Vienna gave an uneasy rest. Since that period, although many disturbances have taken place, great advances have been made in commerce and the arts ; but, side by side with them has grown up, as the Emperor truly says, danger,—" so much the more formidable, " because the improvements brought about "by civilisation, which has bound nations " together by the identity of material inte- " rests, would render war still more destructive." Granted, —for it is a mere truism to affirm that the danger of destruction is greater when there is more to destroy; but we apprehend there is a truth behind, which, perhaps, he did not deem it prudent to disclose. Hitherto, the revenue of France—large as it is—has not been equal to the expenditure. Civilisation and science are each year rendering the armed peace more and more expensive Each of the great powers of Europe now maintains a standing army numerically equal to the force it formerly employed in war; and each advance in science renders a remodelling of the equipment of both Military and Naval forces absolutely necessary, if equality of efficiency is to be preserved. The fiscal burdens, therefore, of war establishments are becoming each year more onerous, aud are equivalent to a heavy war tax ; apart from theeconomic fact that so many men are withdrawn from reproductive industry when enrolled as soldiers. While, therefore, physically, a numerous army is a source of power; financially, it is exhaustive of the resources of the country; and if maintained for years, tends to weaken a nation to the extent of the cost incurred—for success in war is determined by the purse. This fact appears to have forced itself upon the attention of the French ruler, for he asks, " Is the jealous " rivalry of the great Powers incessantly "to obstruct the progress of civilisation? "Shall we be constantly casting defiance at " each other by exaggerated armaments ? "Are our most precious resources to be " indefinitely exhausted in vain ostenta- " tion of our strength ? Shall we eternally "preserve a position which is neither " peace with its security, nor war with its " chances of success ?" It would appear, therefore to be the desire of France, that by agreement each great Power should reduce its armament to a peace footing. It is a bold attempt on his part to lessen the power of the army to which he is so much indebted; but beneath the honeyed words with which he seeks to win the assent of the French Chambers to the scheme of a Congress, it is plain that financial fears harass him equally with other considerations, when he asks his Chambers to *' have the courage to substi- " tute a regular and stable state of affairs " for an unhealthy and precarious condi- " tion." It would have been much more grateful to the world had this remarkable production breathed forth its pacific spirit without alloy, but whether intended or not an alternative is expressed—it may be in the language of threat, or it may be as prophecy. "Two ways," observed the Emperor, "are open; the one leads to " progress through conciliation and peace ; "the other, sooner or later, conducts " fatally to war, by the obstinacy of main- " taining a past which is rolling away.'1 Time only can unravel the idea implied in these words. Should the Congress take place, we need not express the hope that the result will be peace.