AUSTRALIAN POLITICS.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 122, 7 April 1862, Page 3

AUSTRALIAN POLITICS.

(From the Saturday licview January 18.) Political lessons pom. in upon us from all quartsrs. The moral of .despotism in its extremities is sent us by the distracted and perishing. Empire of Austria, and what democracy comes to when pushed rcmorscly to its furthest results, we learn simultaneously from the United States nnd from Australia. The value of this last, twofold lesson arises from its enabling us to correct one part of it by the other. One of the most important problems in democratical government is the question whether the Executive shall be allowed, as -in constitutional countries, to meet the Legislature face to face, or whether it shall be withdrawn fcr a fixed period from its jurisdiction. Through the greater part of the dispute with America, we were tempted to conclude that the absence of the responsible Ministers from Parliament was a fundamental fault of the American system. One question in Congress to Sir. Seward, it has been said, would have settled the whole'diiliculty. A word, a hint, a significant I&ok, from the Minister, would have indicated that tiie Cabinet was at all events doubting and hesitating ; and then cither the House of Kepresentatives would not have passed at all the resolution whicli it afterwards swallowed, or the Ministers would have resinned, and a fighting Government would have taken their place. But beforo wo have had time to look upon these inferences as established, the warning comes from Australia that a too close contact between an Executive and a Democratic Legislature may have the effect of rendering Government impossible, and may place a flourishing community in such a predicament that' it is only saved from becoming a scandal to tho world by the accident which has denied it Imperia power. '

The Heales Cabinet, whicli has just been expelled from oflice in Melbourne, after holding it about a twelvemonth, was certainly as disreputable a Government as free man ever permitted to manage their alliiirs. It had obtained a temporary majority by borrowing all the worst parts of their policy from all the ephemeral Ministries which had preceded it. It had caricatured their disregard of vested rights and their .prodigality of the public domain, and it had become openly Protectionist where they had been only occasionally false to the principles of Free-trade. But, had it confined itself to these courses, it might have remained in office a little longer the divisions among its adversaries. * Mr. Heales had, however, the misfortune to devise a sort of coup d'etat. Every Australian Governmr-nt loses its maojrity by a regular process of diminution—onemember after another droppiug off to the Opposition Benches under the influence of a feeling that it is time to give somebody else a turn of office. Mr. Heales imagined that ha could stop this natural de^ay by diverting the attention of the majority from the Ministers'pockets to their own. He proposed to pay £300 a year to every member of a Legislature composed almost wholly of mechanics and small shopkeepers. The enemies of the Cabinet were struck with dismay at the plan. They seem to have regarded it much as everybody in England except Mr. Fox and his party, regarded Mr. Fox's Indian Bill—that is, as a scheme to purchase for the Government aperpetual majority. So imminent a danger reconciled polititicians who had been accustomed to abuse each other as heartily as the rector's churchwarden and the ratepayers' churchwarden in a parish' vestry, and Mr. Heales and his colleagues fell before a coalition vote levelled at his budget. The Ministry now in power is a kind of colonial All the Talents Cabinet. Everybody who has ever been in office before is a member of the Government, and as there are many more political leaders in the Victorian Assembly than theie departments in the Execntive, two or three of the new Ministers are, like M. Billault in France, without portfolios; but also, alas! unlike M. Billault, without salaries. We take it to be impossible that this Ministry should standi It is now well ascertained in England that coalition Governments have an inherent weakness which does much, though not always everything, to compensate the weight of ability which they generally include. Parliament and the public are disposed to view them less as chosen by themselves than as forced on them from above, and in this sense it is true that England does not love coaiitions. The new Victorian Government has not only to bear up against the weak allegiance which is natural in tlie supporters of a fusion ministry, but against a host of influences whicli, if not unknown in this country, have infinitely less power than at the antipodes. Base jeilousy, idle caprice, and defeated cupidity arc sufficient in themselves to ensure the overthrow of a cabinet which does not, after all, present so brilliant a show of talent as to dazzle or silence its opponents.

The rapidity of political change in Australia, with the deterioration of public character and the destruction of all faith in authority wbich it brings with it, would only be tolerable if the questions with which the Australian Governments have to deal wero of transient or trivial importance. Unluckily, they are of such a magnitude as to affect the whole future history of the colonies. The points to be settled are whether public contracts shall be respected—whether the Executive shall keep its immensa reserve of land as a fund for its expenses, or waste it with the prospect of depending entirely on the liberality of Colonial Parliaments—whether trade shall be allowed to find its natural channels, or industry and labor be dwarfed in their infancy by artificial restraint and external control. It cannot be too often repeated, that no modern democracy has as yet dealt successfully with first-class questions. The apparent success of the American Constitution was owing to the extreme unimportance of the controversies which divided the political factions. The largest subject about which the Whig and Democratic parties disputed was the constitutionality of tie United States Bank. One great question, indeed, there was, and no limit could be assigned to its magnitude ; but all parties confessed their incapacity to deal with it by resolutely setting it aside as long as they could ; and when at last it forced its way to the front, it at once rent the Federation in twain. It would be too much to assert that democracies are unequal to dealing with subjects so vast as Parliamentary lleform or Catholic Emancipation, but it is quite certain that they have not proved their ability. Iv Australia, if any solution of the local controversies can be hoped for except the worst, it is because we all sec that tho colonies will not be allowed absolutely to commit suicide. There is something behind, in the Imperial authority ofthe mother-country, which affords the true reason why nobody despairs of Victoria or New South Wales. It is as yet impossible to say in what manner, at what time, or to what extent, the power represented by the Colonial Office will ba forced to interfere. Beyond all doubt, the moment will be postponed as long as possible; and the performers in the comedy of self-government will be permitted to play oat their play. If, however, things go on as they have done.for the last two or three years —if Cabinet succeeds Cabinet at intervals of .mouths or weeks—if the lowest vulgar prejudice and the emptiest popular cry are instantly carried into parliament, and converted into the shibboleth of party—if corruption is solemnly sanctioned by legislative enactment, if the cast-off rags of European socialism arc stitched into the garments of the body politic, the mother country will at last become conscious of its responsibility, aud the gravest of colonial questions will have to be settled. _ „„„.__.... J>mwCTmwCT^^.„m

" Tin-; Whirligig of.Ti.ue brings in his Kb-| vbxges."—The Ouieaoe ox the Trent Steamer Bxi'LAiNED.—The Neio Yor'' Despatch, in a biographical sketch of Captain Wilkes, of the San Jacinto, says :—" Years ago, Captain Wilkes and Slidell aspired to the hand of the same lady. The lady, so runs the story, loved the young sailor ; but her ' cruel parieut' objected. Her father preferred Slidell, who gained his confidence by crafty arts; and by ' falsehoods made out of whole cloth,' succeeded in driving poor Wilkes to the wall. The lady, much against her will, married the ' son of a tallow-chandler,' and became ' Mrs. John Slidell.' The young sailor was, of course, wroth; but he smothered his anger, and finally dissipated it amid the bufferings of old Boreas. Perhaps he saw other women as lovely and as worthy. l,lowever that may be, he never met his successful rival from that day until he stood before him a prisoner on board the San. Jacinto. Wilkes has been amply avenged for the slight of his youth." Mr. Wisdham's Case and the Ka.ii,way.—-Tho directors of the .Eastern Counties Railway Company, | with a view of ascertaining the truth of the statements as set forth in the evidence given by the late guard (Ford),, and others, in Mr. Windham's case, on Wednesday last, summoned up to the board-room, at Bishopsgate Station, a-large number of the stationmasters and officials from various parts of the line, and made a most minute and searching investigation into the case as alleged by the evidence given, and we have been given to understand that, from the evidence given by these officials to the directors, the statement of Ford and others is very much exaggerated, and a large number of witnesses have bfen subpoenaed on the part of the defence to bear tins out.— Suffolk Chronicle,